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871.
James Chin 《圆桌》2013,102(6):499-501
872.
G.R. Batho: Thomas Harriot and the Northumberland Household; W.A. Wallace: John White, Thomas Harriot and Walter Raleigh in Ireland; M.P. Earles: The London Pharmacopoeia Perfected (The Durham Thomas Harriot Seminar, Occasional Papers, Nos. 1, 2 and 3, 1983–5; £8.10). Michael Mendle: Dangerous Positions, Mixed Government, the Estates of the Realm, and the Making of the ‘Answer to the XIX Propositions’ (University of Alabama Press, 1985; pp. 256; £28.50. Distributed in the U.K. by Eurospan, 3 Henrietta Street, London). 相似文献
873.
James J. Allan 《亚洲事务》2013,44(3):429-436
874.
The events of 1989 have raised questions about NATO's future and purpose. Two different views are held by Germany and the USA. The Germans seek the political and economic unification of the EC, the construction of a European pillar within a demilitarised NATO, and a pan‐European collective security system. In contrast, the Americans seek to preserve NATO as a military alliance responsible for western European security under American leadership and to equip NATO with competences extending beyond the NA TO area. Whilst insisting on greater western European burden sharing and security coordination, the Americans see the roles of the CSCE and the WEU as complementary to NATO's. 相似文献
875.
Peter James 《German politics》2013,22(2):202-210
Franz Josef Strauβ died in October 1988, exactly two years before German unity. He was undoubtedly one of Germany's most dynamic and controversial post‐war politicians, who aroused very strong emotions in the electorate, ranging from great support to condemnation. During his political career Strauβ had tremendous power and influence. As the tenth anniversay of his death approaches, this article sets out to assess his contribution to both Bavarian and German politics. Did he represent a transitory phenomenon or did he leave behind a lasting legacy? 相似文献
876.
James Barber 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2013,20(1):51-71
This article raises some important questions such as does Nepad have what it takes to create change and bring added value amid all the many other development initiatives? Is it sustainable? Does it have the credibility to fly? 相似文献
877.
James H. Noren 《后苏联事务》2013,29(3):238-276
A retired CIA analyst of the Soviet economy presents a comprehensive and in-depth comparison of diverse Western estimates of the size and rate of growth of Soviet military expenditures from the mid-1950s through 1990. Analyzing the explicit criteria and implicit assumptions that underlay the compilation of these estimates, the author evaluates the relative veracity of divergent claims. The article then examines alternative claims about the impact of Gorbachev and giasnost' on our understanding of Soviet defense expenditures, and explores the extent to which Soviet leaders themselves knew how much they were spending in this area. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P27, P24, P52. 相似文献
878.
James C. Sanford 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):6-9
AbstractDuring the ‘cleaning house’ period of a new administration, we are usually barraged with predictions of how all the changes will affect policy. New appointees and their past records are carefully scrutinized by the prognosticators. Such is the case with the newly chosen implementers of American Vietnam strategy. Henry Cabot Lodge is noted for his unbending anti-Communism. Henry Kissinger comes through as the hard-nosed intellectual with new, realistic solutions for the Vietnam dilemma. Ellsworth Bunker is the behind-the-scenes diplomat deferring punctiliously to Saigon's grievances. And yet what is most striking after two months of transition and new faces added to or replacing the old, is that the political climate in Washington and Paris and the traditionally defined objectives of American policy in Asia are basically unchanged. Looking at the resumption of the Peace Talks in Paris, it is already clear that basic American assumptions — and not personalities — will determine the American position in the months ahead. 相似文献
879.
James E. Nickum 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):39-43
AbstractWe learn by comparing. Yet reality present us with few clear-cut comparisons. There are almost always mitigating factors. Nowhere is this more evident than in the comparison of economic and political systems. For example, the average citizen of the Soviet Union is poorer and politically more inhibited than a counterpart in the United States; but is this the inevitable consequence of Marxism(-Leninism), or is it because the Soviet citizen lives in a system descended from czarist serfdom, always relatively poor, always oppressed? 相似文献
880.