全文获取类型
收费全文 | 10659篇 |
免费 | 390篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 599篇 |
工人农民 | 359篇 |
世界政治 | 912篇 |
外交国际关系 | 513篇 |
法律 | 5638篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 123篇 |
政治理论 | 2789篇 |
综合类 | 114篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 136篇 |
2019年 | 182篇 |
2018年 | 272篇 |
2017年 | 274篇 |
2016年 | 272篇 |
2015年 | 186篇 |
2014年 | 216篇 |
2013年 | 1409篇 |
2012年 | 227篇 |
2011年 | 273篇 |
2010年 | 253篇 |
2009年 | 276篇 |
2008年 | 279篇 |
2007年 | 264篇 |
2006年 | 295篇 |
2005年 | 273篇 |
2004年 | 253篇 |
2003年 | 262篇 |
2002年 | 266篇 |
2001年 | 288篇 |
2000年 | 261篇 |
1999年 | 224篇 |
1998年 | 158篇 |
1997年 | 152篇 |
1996年 | 111篇 |
1995年 | 138篇 |
1994年 | 138篇 |
1993年 | 140篇 |
1992年 | 159篇 |
1991年 | 208篇 |
1990年 | 175篇 |
1989年 | 200篇 |
1988年 | 161篇 |
1987年 | 191篇 |
1986年 | 188篇 |
1985年 | 194篇 |
1984年 | 170篇 |
1983年 | 185篇 |
1982年 | 149篇 |
1981年 | 144篇 |
1980年 | 122篇 |
1979年 | 129篇 |
1978年 | 111篇 |
1977年 | 80篇 |
1976年 | 99篇 |
1975年 | 82篇 |
1974年 | 88篇 |
1973年 | 86篇 |
1972年 | 68篇 |
1969年 | 71篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
941.
Negotiation Journal - 相似文献
942.
943.
944.
945.
J J Kuhlman R W Mayes B Levine R Jones G N Wagner M L Smith 《Journal of forensic sciences》1991,36(5):1572-1579
Chloroquine concentrations in blood and tissues were examined in overdose and non-overdose cases to determine appropriate ranges for interpretation. Twenty-nine literature overdose cases and 8 non-overdose literature cases were compared with this laboratory's findings. The results indicate significant postmortem redistribution of chloroquine. Combining this laboratory's results and the literature results indicates that using a liver concentration of 150 mg/kg as a cutoff between overdose and non-overdose concentrations properly identified 30 of the 34 published cases containing liver chloroquine and 19 of the 20 presented cases. 相似文献
946.
Matthew Brown 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2005,24(1):44-70
This article examines the recruiting practices, political propositions and changing identities of the Scottish adventurer Gregor MacGregor in the early nineteenth‐century Caribbean. Based on original archival research and revision of the existing secondary literature, it seeks to understand why he has consistently been judged as a failure, and why neither Scotland nor any of the countries MacGregor worked in have wanted to claim him as their own hero. After an introduction providing biographical details and some historical context for the Caribbean in the period 1811–1830, the article looks in detail at what have been seen to be his successes and failures in the Caribbean region. It asks to what extent questions of ethnicity or masculinity have affected the way contemporaries and historians viewed MacGregor and his actions. In conclusion, it suggests that although he was a soldier and a sailor, and he was declared both an Inca and a King, his career was deemed a failure by both contemporaries and historians in Scotland, South America and the Caribbean. The main explanation for this negative assessment is that his ambitions continually fell foul of the interests of various Caribbean elites and of the distinctive historical circumstances of the region.1 相似文献
947.
948.
James Gobert 《The Modern law review》2008,71(3):413-433
Despite a gestation period extending over thirteen years, the Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007 is a disappointment. It is limited in its scope, restricted in its range of potential defendants and regressive to the extent that, like the discredited identification doctrine before it, it allows its focus to be deflected from systemic fault to individual fault. As a result the Act may not curb the type of short-sighted risk management decisions that can lead to the deaths of innocent workers, consumers and members of the public. Further, by requiring DPP consent to prosecute, the Act threatens to entangle corporate manslaughter prosecutions in the political process to an unacceptable degree. Despite these weaknesses, the symbolic significance of the Corporate Manslaughter and Corporate Homicide Act 2007 may ultimately transcend its methodological deficiencies. 相似文献
949.
We present strong evidence that governing coalitions in Italy exercise significant negative agenda powers. First, governing parties have a roll rate that is nearly 0, and their roll rate is lower than opposition parties' roll rates, which average about 20% on all final‐passage votes. Second, after one controls for distance from the floor median, opposition parties have higher roll rates than government parties. These results strongly suggest that governing parties in Italy are able to control the legislative agenda to their benefit. We also document significantly higher opposition roll rates on decree‐conversion bills and budget bills than on ordinary bills—results consistent with our theoretical analysis of the differing procedures used in each case. 相似文献
950.