An economic appraisal of urban housing assistance: rental supplments versus public housing

Abstract. The benefits and costs of rental supplements versus public housing are analysed in this study. The role of social assistance and public housing in improving housing standards of low income households is assessed. Housing standards for households with incomes below 3, 000 and the dollar return to private property owners renting to social assistance recipients are studied as two measures of effectiveness of the alternatives. Measures of housing standards for low income households are reviewed. It was concluded that, for welfare and non-welfare households, low income is the critical factor determining the existence of low quality housing. Data on target clientele reached by current housing programs are not available, so it is difficult to determine the effectiveness of such programs in improving housing standards of low income households. Various public and private costs critical to the assessment of housing assistance are discussed. In conclusion, it is pointed out that a simple benefit/cost analysis is inadequate for deciding on public housing versus rental supplements. Several additional studies are required, including: decisions on minimum levels of housing standards, comparison of other housing assistance progrm, and costs of all housing and nonhousing programs. Sommaire. Cette étude porte sur les coêts et les bénéfices d'une politique de subvention des loyers par opposition à une politique de logement public. Les auteurs évaluent le rôle que jouent l'assistance sociale et le logement public dans l'amélioration de l'habitation des économiquement faibles. Ils étudient la qualité de l'habitation des familles ayant un revenu inférieur à 3, 000 et la rentabilité des propriétés privées louées am assistés sociaux en tant que critères d'évaluation. Ils passent en revue les normes de qualité du logement des économiquement faibles. Ils concluent que c'est le faible revenu qui est la cause déterminante de la mauvaise qualité du logement peu importe que les familles dépendent ou non du bien-être social. Il n'existe pas de données concernant la clientèle profitant, à l'heure actuelle, des programmes de logement et il est donc difficile de déterminer la contribution de ces programmes à l'amélioration du logement des économiquement faibles. Les auteurs discutent des différents coûts, publics et privés, ui entrent dans l'évaluation d'une subvention au logement. Ils concluent en faisant remarquer qu'une simple analyse coûts/bénéfices est insuffisante pour choisir entre le logement public et le loyer subventionné. D'autres études seront donc nécessaires, plus particulièrement sur les normes minimales de logement, sur la comparaison àétablir avec d'autres programmes d'assistance au logement, et sur les coûts de tous les programmes de logement en comparaison avec les coûts des autres programmes.     

The pits and the core: Simple collective decision problems with concave preferences

This essay extends the theory of simple collective decision problems to spatial games in which (contrary to the traditional assumption) each agent's preferences are concave, in the sense that the alternatives that the agent does not prefer to any particular reference alternative together constitute a convex set. Such concave preferences might characterize decision problems in which, say, a site must be selected for some obnoxious facility, such as a prison, garbage dump, or facility for managing hazardous materials. The results indicate that, under these conditions, the (weak -)core can be structurally unstable, changing discontinuously with apparently minor perturbations of the decision problem. The main theorem identifies a curious property of the core when the set of feasible alternatives is compact and convex and each agent's preferences are strictly concave. Namely, a point in the feasible set's interior can belong to the core only if there is no feasible alternative that makes every member of any winning coalition strictly worse off. In this sense, an interior point belongs to the core only if it lies in the pits.A preliminary version of this essay was presented at the West Coast Conference on Small Groups Research, Stanford University, 17 April 1985, and the Experimental Social Choice Workshop, Utah State University, Logan, Utah, 20–21 June 1985. This material is based on work supported by grants from the National Science Foundation (Grants SES 83-12123 and SES 84-10094), the Real Estate Center and Department of Decision Sciences of The Wharton School, and the Research Fund of the University of Pennsylvania.     

Transnational absentee voting in the 2006 Mexican presidential election: The roots of participation

In many of the major migrant-sending countries of the developing world, governments have extended political rights to expatriates, often including the right to vote via absentee ballot. Little is known about the factors that shape transnational electoral participation, however. Using official records provided by the Mexican Federal Electoral Institute, we model the incidence of expatriate ballot solicitations prior to the 2006 presidential election in Mexico. Based on a series of event count regression analyses conducted at the level of U.S. metropolitan statistical areas, we find that transnational involvement in the election depended not only on socioeconomic factors but also on the concentration of Mexican civic associations within the local community, the presence of Spanish-language media, and distance from the Mexican border. This suggests that the roots of immigrant transnational participation include factors familiar to social scientists as well as dynamics uniquely relevant to immigrant communities.     

The Citizen Soldier and Democratic Societies: A Comparative Analysis of America's Revolutionary and Civil Wars

This paper reviews and criticizes the argument that citizens should take active responsibility for and be willing to sacrifice their life to establish and protect a liberal democratic social order. The argument is faulted for assuming that the key for good democracy is to get people to accept their responsibilities, in particular, their responsibility to be citizen soldiers. It is at least as important to ask how the service of citizen soldiers is connected with the constitution of democratic society. The argument is also faulted for ignoring that democratic societies vary in form and virtue and that it is necessary to explain when citizen soldiers will promote the establishment of one kind of democracy or another. To correct these deficiencies, a theory is offered that ties the service of citizen soldiers during war to the quality of democratic society through the allocation and routinization of charisma. The theory is illustrated by a comparative historical analysis of American experience during its Revolutionary and Civil Wars.