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251.
Simultaneous screening and detection of drugs in small blood samples and bloodstains 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
A gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) method is described for the screening and detection of morphine, codeine, cocaine, benzoylecgonine, methylecgonine, cocaethylene, delta-9-tetrahydrocannabinol (THC), 11-nor-9-carboxy-THC (THC-COOH), 11-hydroxy-THC (11-OH-THC), amphetamine, methamphetamine, 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), 3,4-methylenedioxymetamphetamine (MDMA) and N-methyl-1-(3,4-methylenedioxyphenyl)-2-butanamine (MBDB) in small blood samples and bloodstains using solid phase SPE columns and a pipetting robot (Gilson Aspec XL). The detection limits are in the order of 1.62-4.10 ng/50 microl spot (amphetamines), 0.15-0.82 ng/50 microl spot (cannabinoids), 1.67-4.70 ng/50 microl spot (cocaine and derivatives) and 4.53-4.91 ng/50 microl spot (opiates) and the correlation factors are between 0.9957 and 0.9999. The method has proven useful in forensic cases with only small sample volumes or bloodstains. 相似文献
252.
Coco C. A. Smits Jan P. M. van Tatenhove Judith van Leeuwen 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2014,14(4):329-348
The Arctic has rapidly transformed from a “frozen desert” into a theater for high-level politics. Climate change and socioeconomic interdependencies bring the World more and more to the Arctic and vice versa. Increased geological knowledge, new technologies, and high-energy prices make it possible to develop oil and gas resources in the Arctic; however, the effectiveness of oil spill response techniques remains a key concern. To understand oil and gas exploration in the Arctic governance setting, and especially the authority of Greenland, we combine a multi-level governance framework with the concept sphere of authority from post-international theory. The Arctic sphere of authority on oil and gas consists of many different governance arrangements, of which the most well-known governance arrangement is the Arctic Council. This paper focuses on the authority of Greenland in the changing oil and gas governance arrangements in the Arctic. Crucial is the changing Danish–Greenlandic relationship, in which the development of a Greenlandic oil and gas sector is seen as a tool to become financially independent. It can be concluded that the capacity of the Greenlandic government and civil society actors should be the primary guideline for the pace in which oil and gas activities are being developed. Taking this approach will ensure that the Greenland is retaining its central position and high degree of influence on the governance of oil and gas development in its country. Otherwise, it will lose influence and benefits will flow elsewhere. 相似文献
253.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - How gender role attitudes develop during adolescence, and how biological, social, and cognitive factors predict this development, remains a matter of debate. This... 相似文献
254.
We discuss the effect of formal political institutions (electoral systems, fiscal decentralization, presidential and parliamentary regimes) on the extent and direction of income (re-)distribution. Empirical evidence is presented for a large sample of 70 economies and a panel of 13 OECD countries between 1981 and 1998. The evidence indicates that presidential regimes are associated with a less equal distribution of disposable incomes, while electoral systems have no significant effects. Fiscal competition is associated with less income redistribution and a less equal distribution of disposable incomes, but also with a more equal primary income distribution. Our evidence also is in line with earlier empirical contributions that find a positive relationship between trade openness and equality in primary and disposable incomes, as well as the overall redistributive effort. 相似文献
255.
Jan S. Breemer 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3):455-468
Abstract This essay examines prevailing perspectives on the prospect of terrorist sabotage against the offshore oil and gas industry in the Gulf of Mexico. It contrasts the dominant “wait‐and‐see” attitude in the United States with counterterrorist preparations by the North Sea countries, and suggests some of the reasons for this difference in attitudes. 相似文献
256.
Abstract This article addresses some of the trends and issues as they relate to media and cultural globalisation. Grounded in a fundamental cultural perspective, the problematic of international communication is framed in different views of ‘local culture’, ‘cultural identity’ and ‘processes of cultural mixing’. In the end, a research framework for the study of cultural globalisation/localisation is outlined. The framework captures the issue of hybridised cultural products from a people centred perspective. 相似文献
257.
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259.
Jan Beyers 《Regional & Federal Studies》2013,23(3):271-291
This paper disentangles the impact of various dimensions of European integration on different aspects of the Belgian federal polity. We discern two opposite trends. While the institutional embeddedness of Belgium as an EU member state results in domestic centralizing tendencies and co-operative political practices, economic integration stimulates political pressures for regional autonomy, contributing to further divergence and hollowing out of the federal level. We conclude by arguing that the EU clearly affects territorial politics in Belgium, but, as the European causes are multidimensional, that also the effects, albeit substantial, will be diverse. 相似文献
260.
Jan Nederveen Pieterse 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(2):175-191
Along with ‘anti-development’ and ‘beyond development’, post-development is a radical reaction to the dilemmas of development. Post-development focuses on the underlying premises and motives of development; what sets it apart from other critical approaches is that it rejects development. The question is whether this is a tenable and fruitful position. Taken up first in this article are major overt positions of post-development—the problematisation of poverty, the portrayal of development as Westernisation, and the critique of modernism and science. The argument then turns to discourse analysis of development; it is argued that, in post-development, discourse analysis from a methodology turns into an ideology. Next the difference between alternative development and ‘alternatives to development’ is examined. The reasons why this difference is made out to be so large are, in my interpretation, anti-managerialism and dichotomic thinking. The article closes with a discussion of the politics of post-development and a critical assessment. 相似文献