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161.
Sari Van der Poel 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1995,23(1):41-65
In the Netherlands, the prostitutes' rights movement emerged with the formation of an influential coalition of feminists and policy-makers who devoted themselves to an improvement in the juridical and social position of prostitutes. By seeking to connect into the priorities of the government's emancipation policy, this coalition succeeded in placing the issue of prostitutes' rights onto the political agenda. This paper addresses the question why this policy has failed to strengthen the position of prostitutes. By analyzing both the factors which enabled the initial prosperous development of the prostitutes' rights campaign as well as the conditions under which the turning-point arose, it is concluded that everything went smoothly as long as professional prostitutes monopolized image-formation. The process failed at the moment that policy-makers incorporated multi-problematic categories of prostitutes. In place of the intended social integration of all categories, the prostitutes' rights campaign led to a strengthening of the stigma that is attached to prostitution. 相似文献
162.
Jan Fuhse 《Berliner Journal für Soziologie》2006,16(2):245-263
The essay develops three central arguments. Firstly, while being one of the core concepts of sociology in the early 20th century, the group concept loses its central position between 1960 and 1970. As a conceptual tool for the understanding of configurations of social relationships, it is increasingly replaced by the network concept. Secondly, the group concept implies bounded social entities. The network concept, in contrast, stresses the unbounded interweaving of social ties and contexts. This allows for a better understanding of the complex social patterns of modernity. Thirdly, groups are special cases of ?involuted“ network structure. Here, a symbolically constructed social boundary becomes the central focus for transaction processes. This also makes for an increased alignment of social relationships within the group. These three arguments are grounded in a historical perspective on the conceptual careers of ?groups“ and ?networks“ in various sociological schools. The essay stresses the dynamics and inner logics of social relationships and resulting configurations (groups being one example) on the meso-level. 相似文献
163.
Social Utility in Ultimatum Bargaining 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
In this article we will provide an overview of factors that influence the weight that self-interest and equity related motives receive in ultimatum bargaining. These factors are grouped into three main categories: factors relating to the context of the game, factors relating to the parties involved, and factors related to characteristics of the game. Results of the studies are discussed in relation to the concept of social utility. The authors point out possible omissions in the literature—especially the lack of interest for the behavior of recipients—and recommend directions for future research. 相似文献
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The ideal conception of pluralist democracy can be seen as a schematic picture of actual conditions. On the local level - in the municipalities - there are a number of variants of pluralism. If local political systems can be assumed to be of varying character, it stands to reason that the roles of organizations in those sub-systems can also vary.
The following three general conclusions concerning the role of organizations in Swedish municipal politics are supported by our empirical findings:
(1) A heterogeneous pattern of values in a municipality promotes the development of an arrangement in which organizations predominantly assume the role of political opposition.
(2) The interaction between municipalities and organizations is a function of the pattern of local political values. The more heterogeneous this pattern, the more frequent are politically oriented contacts.
(3) Increased overlap of the social, the economic and the political arenas, and a more incrementalist decision-making structure in modern municipalities, creates greater incentives for the formation of organizations.
There should not be any doubt about the fact that the amalgamation reforms contributed to the creation of a more differentiated and multifaced structure of organizations. Hence, it could be said that the amalgamation reforms together with other structural factors are in the long run positively correlated with pluralism!
'Whatever progress may come in the future, anyone attempting today to give a systematic account of organizational behavior, especially of politically relevant behavior, cannot pretend he is offering a theory in any strict sense. At best, he can offer a theoretical perspective, a way of looking at organizations that directs attention persuasively to a few central processes that seem to explain (though not predict, in any scientific sense) a wide variety of phenomena.' (Wilson 1973. 13). 相似文献
The following three general conclusions concerning the role of organizations in Swedish municipal politics are supported by our empirical findings:
(1) A heterogeneous pattern of values in a municipality promotes the development of an arrangement in which organizations predominantly assume the role of political opposition.
(2) The interaction between municipalities and organizations is a function of the pattern of local political values. The more heterogeneous this pattern, the more frequent are politically oriented contacts.
(3) Increased overlap of the social, the economic and the political arenas, and a more incrementalist decision-making structure in modern municipalities, creates greater incentives for the formation of organizations.
There should not be any doubt about the fact that the amalgamation reforms contributed to the creation of a more differentiated and multifaced structure of organizations. Hence, it could be said that the amalgamation reforms together with other structural factors are in the long run positively correlated with pluralism!
'Whatever progress may come in the future, anyone attempting today to give a systematic account of organizational behavior, especially of politically relevant behavior, cannot pretend he is offering a theory in any strict sense. At best, he can offer a theoretical perspective, a way of looking at organizations that directs attention persuasively to a few central processes that seem to explain (though not predict, in any scientific sense) a wide variety of phenomena.' (Wilson 1973. 13). 相似文献
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