全文获取类型
收费全文 | 536篇 |
免费 | 24篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 18篇 |
工人农民 | 101篇 |
世界政治 | 37篇 |
外交国际关系 | 30篇 |
法律 | 247篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 123篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 17篇 |
2018年 | 18篇 |
2017年 | 24篇 |
2016年 | 22篇 |
2015年 | 22篇 |
2014年 | 16篇 |
2013年 | 93篇 |
2012年 | 13篇 |
2011年 | 19篇 |
2010年 | 14篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 22篇 |
2007年 | 18篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 21篇 |
2004年 | 19篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 7篇 |
2000年 | 10篇 |
1999年 | 13篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 11篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 14篇 |
1994年 | 11篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 7篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 10篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 5篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 11篇 |
1981年 | 6篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有560条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
101.
AbstractThis article responds to recent debates within South African media politics regarding the diversity and transformation of the print sector in the country, by suggesting a necessary refocus of previously used methods of measuring media diversity and proposing a more audience-centred approach. This audience-centred method is discussed with regard to meeting the demands of the normative understanding of media diversity, where the media are viewed as central to an individual's formulation of opinions and ideas, thus rendering the media – and particularly the news media – vital in fostering an enabled and informed citizenry. The argument proposes a bottom-up instead of a top-down methodology for measuring media diversity, by placing the primary focus on the public as the starting point, rather than the end point of the analysis, and validating this position through the normative view of the media's role in assisting citizens to formulate personal views. The article concludes by listing four key areas in which current debates on media diversity in South Africa should be realigned and refocused, including at a parliamentary level. 相似文献
102.
Liana Fox Christopher Wimer Irwin Garfinkel Neeraj Kaushal Jane Waldfogel 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2015,34(3):567-592
Using data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey and the March Current Population Survey, we provide poverty estimates for 1967 to 2012 based on a historical supplemental poverty measure (SPM). During this period, poverty, as officially measured, has stagnated. However, the official poverty measure (OPM) does not account for the effect of near‐cash transfers on the financial resources available to families, an important omission since such transfers have become an increasingly important part of government antipoverty policy. Applying the historical SPM, which does count such transfers, we find that trends in poverty have been more favorable than the OPM suggests and that government policies have played an important and growing role in reducing poverty—a role that is not evident when the OPM is used to assess poverty. We also find that government programs have played a particularly important role in alleviating child poverty and deep poverty, especially during economic downturns. 相似文献
103.
104.
105.
106.
Death-qualified jurors are generally able to impose the death penalty, whereas excludable jurors are generally either unable or unwilling to do so. A long line of research studies has shown that the former are more likely than the latter to convict criminal defendants. Ellsworth (1993) argues that jurors' attitudes toward the death penalty predict verdicts because they are embedded in a cluster of beliefs and theories about the criminal justice system. Her studies show that jurors interpret ambiguous conduct based on these belief structures. The present study examines the possibility that death penalty attitudes also influence jurors' conceptions of criminal intent. We showed mock jurors the filmed murder of a convenience store clerk and examined the inferences they drew from this evidence. Jurors who favored the death penalty tended to read criminal intent into the defendant's actions and jurors who opposed the death penalty were less likely to do so. These data provide further explanation of the conviction-proneness of death-qualified jurors. 相似文献
107.
108.
Jane Hayward 《亚洲研究》2017,49(4):523-545
A high-profile debate is taking place in China concerning the organization of agricultural land and production, with profound implications for China’s countryside. This debate is between those advocating for agricultural production to be taken over by large-scale agribusinesses, and those against this. Proponents regard agribusinesses as embodying modernity and progress, while those against forewarn of the channeling of profits out of peasant hands, the loss of peasants’ autonomy over labor and land, and the destruction of rural life. Recent English language publications on China’s agrarian change highlight the growing power of agribusiness and related processes of depeasantization, implying the Chinese debate on “who will till the land?” is futile. But this view obscures efforts by Chinese scholars and policymakers to promote forms of agricultural organization conducive to maintaining peasant livelihoods. By examining the Chinese debates on agribusinesses, family farms, and cooperatives, this article highlights points of contestation among policymakers and alternative possibilities, which may yet shape the course of China’s agrarian change. This article contributes to scholarship on China’s agrarian change, broader questions concerning depeasantization, and developmental possibilities under collective ownership. 相似文献
109.
110.