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811.
Political tolerance is a key democratic value believed to undergird successful and healthy democracies. In nascent democracies
especially, citizens must tolerate the views and participation of opposing groups in order to ensure methodical transfers
of power with successive elections. Yet, despite its importance, little research considers tolerance outside established democracies.
In this paper, we compare political tolerance across eight Eastern European countries and six Western countries. We demonstrate
that mean levels of tolerance are lower in the newly democratized countries of Eastern Europe and then examine whether they
are a function of East Europeans’ limited experience with democracy. We also test whether established individual-level theories
of tolerance replicate across this wide range of new and old democracies. We find some support for theories of democratic
learning and also show that models of tolerance operate differently across the range of countries in our sample.
相似文献
Sandra Marquart-PyattEmail: |
812.
Michael J. Hanmer 《Political Behavior》2007,29(1):1-30
Scholars often seek to understand which individuals are most responsive to the change in some treatment. Such work inevitably
faces issues of identification. When the dependent variable is binary, the assumption that the largest effect occurs where
p = 0.5 is also encountered. I apply Manski’s [(1995). Identification problems in the social sciences. Cambridge: Harvard University Press] non-parametric Bounds approach, which relaxes the functional form and distributional
assumptions found in traditional models, in an attempt to resolve the long standing debate on which types of individuals are
most affected by changes in registration laws. Under the standard assumption that treats the selection of registration laws
as exogenous, the results revise the current understanding. By exploring the power of various behavioral assumptions, new
insights into the study of policy changes emerge, calling into question some of the assumptions that are standard in the literature.
相似文献
Michael J. HanmerEmail: |
813.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
814.
Matthew B. Crawford 《Society》2007,44(6):131-136
Biotechnological enhancement of human capabilities reveals a characteristically modern stance toward nature: Human nature,
as given, is an impediment to be overcome on the way to full human freedom. As a form of metaphysical partisanship, the biotech
enterprise seems to further the political intention of Thomas Hobbes to nullify human diversity. Commerce in biotech enhancements,
and the individual liberty such commerce instantiates, is likely to have the ironic effect of psychic homogenization.
相似文献
Matthew B. CrawfordEmail: |
815.
George L. Priest 《Society》2012,49(3):216-222
816.
817.
818.
Techniques for conducting elections developed since 1800 have raised a question about the soundness of the American framers’
majoritarianism. John Stuart Mill notably argued that the framers’ desire to reward merit, as opposed to party loyalty, would
be better served by a system of proportional representation that gave deserving minorities a voice. This article considers
the likelihood that a system such as Mill proposed would have the results he hoped for; it concludes that such a system is
more likely to worsen problems with the existing system of representation than to solve them. 相似文献
819.
820.
The process of ratifying CAFTA in Costa Rica required traversing a contentious political landscape involving intense legislative battles, massive public demonstrations, and finally a national referendum in October 2007. By employing the mechanism of direct democracy to ratify a free trade agreement, Costa Rica made history. But how did this experiment with direct participation affect Costa Rica's democracy? This article evaluates what the referendum achieved in terms of promoting citizen engagement, equipping voters to make informed choices, resolving the CAFTA conflict in a way viewed as legitimate, and shaping citizens' relationships to representative institutions. While the referendum had positive effects, it had several negative consequences for representative democracy, which raises questions about the limits of democratic control over economic policy in the era of globalization. 相似文献