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391.
The New Public Service: Serving Rather than Steering 总被引:44,自引:0,他引:44
The New Public Management has championed a vision of public managers as the entrepreneurs of a new, leaner, and increasingly privatized government, emulating not only the practices but also the values of business. Proponents of the New Public Management have developed their arguments largely through contrasts with the old public administration. In this comparison, the New Public Management will, of course, always win. We argue here that the better contrast is with what we call the "New Public Service," a movement built on work in democratic citizenship, community and civil society, and organizational humanism and discourse theory. We suggest seven principles of the New Public Service, most notably that the primary role of the public servant is to help citizens articulate and meet their shared interests rather than to attempt to control or steer society. 相似文献
392.
In this paper, data from the NCS and NCVS are developed for the purpose of describing long-term trends in male and female
violent victimization for the period 1973–2004. More specifically, gender-specific trends in violence are compared according
to crime type and victim–offender relationship. Despite their potential usefulness, these data have not been published previously.
The data reveal that the gender gap in robbery victimization has remained relatively stable while the gender gaps in aggravated
and simple assault victimization have narrowed over time. Results varied when the data were disaggregated by victim–offender
relationship. Male and female rates of nonstranger simple assault and nonstranger robbery were roughly equivalent throughout
the period, and the greater risk for male nonstranger aggravated assault that was evident three decades ago has largely disappeared.
The gender gap persists in stranger assault, but has narrowed somewhat because male rates of victimization have declined more
than female rates. In addition, male and female trends and the gender gap in nonlethal intimate partner violence differ from
the patterns established in intimate partner homicide studies. The paper concludes with a discussion of research that is needed
to understand why the gender gap in violent victimization has changed for some types of violence but not others, and how greater
attention to gender will improve efforts to understand crime trends.
相似文献
Karen HeimerEmail: |
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Janet R. Johnston 《Family Court Review》1995,33(4):415-425
In this report, overall findings from the most recent custody studies of children ages 3 to 16 years, made publicly available within the past 6 years, are briefly reviewed to establish a framework of general principles for decision making around custody and access issues. Most of the comparisons drawn are between joint and sole custody, with some attention being given to differences between mother and father sole custody. All of these studies are of children's adjustment to the physical custody, or residential arrangements, rather than to legal custody, which refers to parents' decision-making authority. 相似文献
398.
Janet White 《Women's studies international forum》1986,9(5-6)
This article draws upon the results of five years annual surveying of language performance of children aged 11 and 15 in the United Kingdom. The theme of the article concerns anomalies in the way literacy values are communicated to pupils in schools. Strong sex-typing is evident in the preferences which pupils express for certain types of writing, with girls appearing to choose the most prestigious forms of reading and writing in school terms. Girls' success in fulfilling school criteria for literary excellence does less than might be expected to advance their career prospects: on the contrary, it is suggested that the process of becoming a good writer at school is part of the general sorting process whereby girls cease to compete in other fields of work and study. 相似文献
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We review a number of different statistical techniques for creating seats-votes curves and apply the most reliable of these to estimate seats-votes relationships in the US electoral college 1900–1992. We consider the now rejected claim, once firmly established as part of the common journalistic and even academic wisdom, that the US Electoral College has recently been strongly biased in favor of Republicans, and show that this claim was based largely on a confusion between bias (asymmetry in the electoral college gains earned by the votes received by different parties or candidates) and swing ratio (responsiveness of change in electoral college seat share to change in popular vote). Although there has been substantial bias during this century in the way the electoral college translates Democratic and Republican votes into electoral college seats, and for the earlier party of this century (from 1900 to 1940) that bias has been in favor of Republicans, to explain why many recent electoral college majorities have been so lopsided we must look not at bias but at swing ratio.We show that the swing ratio in the electoral college has generally been increasing since 1900, rising from an average value (1900–1924) around three to an average value (1976–1992) ranging from about five to about eight, depending upon which of the various statistical estimation techniques we use. Thus, for every one point vote share gain above 50 per cent, a winning presidential candidate in a two-candidate competition can now expect to pick up somewhere between a 5 percentage point and an 8 percentage point increase in electoral college seats—giving the illusion of mandate even for relatively close contests and frequently creating apparent landslides. We show that this historical rise in swing ratio in presidential elections is due almost entirely to changes in the responsiveness of outcomes in the US South as the influence of the Civil War slowly (very slowly) erodes. Drawing on the analysis of the determinants of bias and of swing ratio in the House of Representatives in Brady and Grofman (1991b), we show that the increases in electoral college swing can be accounted for by the nationalization of presidential competition as signaled by the decrease over time in the standard deviation of Democratic share of the two-party vote across states, and that changes in bias can be linked to changes in the magnitude of differences between the mean and the median of that distribution. 相似文献