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991.
Uwe Jun 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2000,41(2):347-353
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Rezension zu: Peter Mair, Wolfgang C. Müller und Fritz Plasser (Hg.): Parteien auf komplexen W?hlerm?rkten. Reaktionsstrategien politischer Parteien in Westeuropa. Wien: Signum 1999, 403
S., DM 88,-. 相似文献
992.
Jason Ralph 《Global Society》2009,23(3):207-224
This article examines the Schmittian-inspired charge that liberalism is intrinsically imperialistic and that it dehumanises alternative illiberal political projects in ways that lead to disproportionate and indiscriminate violence. It focuses specifically on the charge that the US war on terror is the latest manifestation of this kind of liberal imperialism. Such an argument only makes sense when liberalism is combined with exclusionary modes of nationalism and realism. This synthesis underpins the “hard Wilsonianism” of American neoconservatism. The article argues that the Schmittian-inspired charge of imperialism cannot be properly directed at the more inclusionary cosmopolitan forms of liberalism, which is illustrated with reference to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. 相似文献
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995.
Ronald D. Brunner 《Policy Sciences》2010,43(4):301-341
This article expands research on adaptive governance in natural resource and climate change policy into other policy areas
and the larger context of reform. The purpose is to clarify adaptive governance as a reform strategy, one that builds on experience
in a variety of emergent responses to the growing failures of scientific management, the established pattern of governance.
Emergent responses in information technology, national security, development aid, and health care policy are reviewed here.
In these cases, factoring a large national or international problem into many smaller problems, each more tractable scientifically
and politically, opened additional opportunities for advancing common interests on the ground. The opportunities include simplification
of research through intensive inquiry, participation in policy decisions by otherwise neglected groups, and selecting what
works on the basis of practical experience rather than theory. What works can be improved incrementally in the context at
hand, diffused through networks for voluntary adaptation elsewhere, and used to inform higher-level decisions from the bottom
up. Adaptive governance is a promising strategy of reform. The open question is whether it will be used well enough to sustain
a once-progressive evolution toward fuller realization of human dignity for all. 相似文献
996.
This article examines the relationship between foreign direct investment and host countries’ contracting institutions, the
rule systems which govern commercial transactions between private actors. Given their liability of foreignness and costly
exit options, we suggest that multinational corporations have incentives to influence the formal contracting environment in
host countries. Further, host governments are more likely to respond to multinationals’ wishes when they are more dependent
on foreign capital markets. We draw on the World Bank’s Lex Mundi dataset (Djankov et al. 2003) on micro-level contracting environment for private actors. Our analysis of a cross section of 98 developing countries suggests
that FDI is associated with lower contract enforcement costs, particularly when the host country is more indebted. 相似文献
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999.
Spencer Piston 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):431-451
Some commentators claim that white Americans put prejudice behind them when evaluating presidential candidates in 2008. Previous
research examining whether white racism hurts black candidates has yielded mixed results. Fortunately, the presidential candidacy
of Barack Obama provides an opportunity to examine more rigorously whether prejudice disadvantages black candidates. I also
make use of an innovation in the measurement of racial stereotypes in the 2008 American National Election Studies survey,
which yields higher levels of reporting of racial stereotypes among white respondents. I find that negative stereotypes about
blacks significantly eroded white support for Barack Obama. Further, racial stereotypes do not predict support for previous
Democratic presidential candidates or current prominent Democrats, indicating that white voters punished Obama for his race
rather than his party affiliation. Finally, prejudice had a particularly large impact on the voting decisions of Independents
and a substantial impact on Democrats but very little influence on Republicans. 相似文献
1000.
Thomas J. Scotto Harold D. Clarke Allan Kornberg Jason Reifler David Sanders Marianne C. Stewart Paul Whiteley 《Electoral Studies》2010,29(4):545-556
In recent years, students of voting behavior have become increasingly interested in valence politics models of electoral choice. These models share the core assumption that key issues in electoral politicds typically are ones upon which there is a widespread public consensus on the goals of public policy. The present paper uses latent curve modeling procedures and data from a six-wave national panel survey of the American electorate to investigate the dynamic effects of voters’ concerns with the worsening economy—a valence issue par excellence—in the skein of causal forces at work in the 2008 presidential election campaign. As the campaign developed, the economy became the dominant issue. Although the massively negative public reaction to increasingly perilous economic conditions was not the only factor at work in 2008, dynamic multivariate analyses show that mounting worries about the economy played an important role in fueling Barack Obama’s successful run for the presidency. 相似文献