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Sweden is no longer a negative, exceptional case regarding the presence of radical right‐wing populist parties. The Sweden Democrats has continually grown stronger, and in 2010 they won seats in the Swedish parliament. However, their electoral support varies considerably across Sweden. This study analyses their electoral support in 290 Swedish municipalities in order to explain this variance. Support is found for the social marginality hypothesis: electoral support for the Sweden Democrats tends to be negatively correlated with the average level of education and with the Gross Regional Product per capita, and positively correlated with the unemployment rate. The ethnic competition hypothesis, that there is a positive correlation between the proportion of immigrants and electoral support of the Sweden Democrats, is also supported.  相似文献   
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Dominant theories of electoral behavior emphasize that voters myopically evaluate policy performance and that this shortsightedness may obstruct the welfare‐improving effect of democratic accountability. However, we know little about how long governments receive electoral credit for beneficial policies. We exploit the massive policy response to a major natural disaster, the 2002 Elbe flooding in Germany, to provide an upper bound for the short‐ and long‐term electoral returns to targeted policy benefits. We estimate that the flood response increased vote shares for the incumbent party by 7 percentage points in affected areas in the 2002 election. Twenty‐five percent of this short‐term reward carried over to the 2005 election before the gains vanished in the 2009 election. We conclude that, given favorable circumstances, policy makers can generate voter gratitude that persists longer than scholarship has acknowledged so far, and elaborate on the implications for theories of electoral behavior, democratic accountability, and public policy.  相似文献   
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By estimating the age of the immature stages of flies developing on a corpse, forensic entomologists are able to establish the minimum post-mortem interval. Blowflies, which are the first and most important colonizers, usually leave the cadaver at the end of the last larval stage searching for a pupation site. This period of development is referred as the post-feeding or wandering stage. The characteristics of the ground where the corpse was placed might be of notable importance for the post-feeding dispersal time: For pupariation the larvae prefer an environment protected from light and predators and may have a longer dispersal time in order to reach an appropriate pupation site. Hence, the dispersal time can vary and may influence the total time of development which may lead to an erroneous calculation of the post-mortem interval. This study investigates the effect of various post-feeding time intervals on the development of the blowfly Lucilia sericata at a temperature of 25°C. As larvae reached the post-feeding stage a pupariation substrate was offered at 0 and after 12, 24 and 48h. Only the larvae with a dispersal time of 24h (total time of development 325.2h; median) and 48h (total time of development 347.7h; median) showed a significantly longer total development time compared to the control group (total time of development 318.4h; median). The mortality rate did not differ between groups; however the flies that emerged from the group with a dispersal of 48h were significantly smaller indicating increased energy consumption during dispersal. The results of this study indicate that a prolonged post-feeding stage could increase the total developmental time of L. sericata which should be taken into consideration when interpreting entomological findings. The need for a serious examination of current rearing practices in forensic entomology laboratories is indicated because reference data sets for the time of development are usually produced by offering the post-feeding stage a substrate for pupariation immediately.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

Over the last decades, regional parliaments were considered to play a minor role in European affairs. Not only was the salience of the EU low at the regional level, but politicians elected into these bodies also often lacked vested interests and capacities to become more involved in dealing with complex multi-level questions. After the constitutional strengthening of regional parliaments in EU decision-making, this paper considers one under-researched aspect behind the growing appetite of regional parliaments to become more involved in the scrutiny of EU affairs: the role of unelected parliamentary officials. Based on qualitative interviews in 12 German regional parliaments, the authors highlight how regional parliaments exert control over their governments and what role horizontal administrative networks among parliamentary staff play in the engagement of regional parliaments in EU affairs.  相似文献   
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