全文获取类型
收费全文 | 406篇 |
免费 | 29篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 26篇 |
工人农民 | 7篇 |
世界政治 | 40篇 |
外交国际关系 | 51篇 |
法律 | 180篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 125篇 |
综合类 | 3篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 3篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 16篇 |
2019年 | 18篇 |
2018年 | 24篇 |
2017年 | 25篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 11篇 |
2013年 | 74篇 |
2012年 | 11篇 |
2011年 | 19篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 20篇 |
2007年 | 24篇 |
2006年 | 25篇 |
2005年 | 12篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 6篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 7篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有435条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
401.
Early pubertal timing (PT) increases the risk of adolescent delinquency, whereas late development reduces this risk; however, the mechanisms explaining PT effects on delinquency remain elusive. Theoretically, the PT–delinquency relationship is as a result of changes in parental supervision, peer affiliations, and body-image perceptions or is a spurious reflection of early life risk factors. Using intergenerational data from the Millennium Cohort Study, a prospective sample of children followed from infancy to age 14 years in the United Kingdom (N = 11,556 parent–child pairs), we find that for both boys and girls, early PT is associated with heightened risks of delinquency, relative to on-time puberty, whereas late PT is associated with lower risks, even after controlling for a large share of childhood confounders. Mediation test results indicate that changes in parental supervision, peer affiliations, and body-image perceptions from ages 11 to 14 partly account for associations between off-time PT and delinquency. Our findings are most consistent with criminological theories in which the psychosocial, familial, and peer group changes that accompany off-time pubertal development are emphasized. Changes in peer substance use, in particular, were the primary explanatory factor for the relationships between early and late PT and delinquency, for both boys and girls. 相似文献
402.
Jeremy F. Plant 《政策研究评论》2004,21(3):293-305
This article examines the impact of the 9/11 attacks on railroad security. Railroad security has been traditionally defined as a problem of trespass and liability for deaths, injuries, and property damage sustained or caused by trespassers. It argues that the private freight railroad industry, not government, has largely directed the efforts to prevent terrorism and share information on suspected terrorist threats, through the prompt formation of a loosely coupled network of organizations coordinated by the industry trade association, the American Association of Railroads. The freight railroad network approach is contrasted with the efforts of Amtrak to gain public funds for its security efforts by connecting its survival with homeland security. Kingdon's model of the policy process is used to explain how 9/11 has presented an opportunity for railroads to use policy windows to gain benefits for the industry while at the same time resisting possible reregulation. It contrasts the network approach with the traditional hierarchical-bureaucratic form of organization used in the design of the Department of Homeland Security, and suggests it poses a valuable case study to see how information can be shared between widely divergent types of organizations, and test how best to prevent future terrorist events. 相似文献
403.
404.
Neither spatial models of party competition nor the 'Westminster' model of British politics explain the phenomenon of Thatcherism. One explanation of its success, examined by Crewe and Searing, suggests that Mrs Thatcher sought to convert the Conservative party and the wider electorate to her distinctive brand of liberal Whiggism and traditional Toryism. They found little evidence of the success of this, however, among the British electorate as a whole. In this paper, data from the first national survey of Conservative party members demonstrates that she had little success in converting the Conservative party to these ideas either, although she did have a secure ideological base within the party. The results also suggest that her successor, John Major, has a rather different support base within the party from that of Mrs Thatcher. The implications of these findings for spatial models of party competition and the Westminster model of British politics are discussed. 相似文献
405.
406.
407.
408.
Offenders are assumed by many to employ socially desirable responding (SDR) response styles when completing self-report measures. Contrary to expectations, prior research has shown that accounting for SDR in self-report measures of antisocial constructs does not improve the relationship with outcome. Despite this, many self-report measures reliably predict future criminal outcome criteria. The present research examines the relationship of SDR (self-deception and impression management) with self-reported antisocial attitudes and the outcome of criminal recidivism in a sample of violent offenders. Offenders high on impression management reported lower antisocial attitudes. However, when impression management was statistically partialed from antisocial attitudes, the relationship with recidivism tended to diminish, though not to a statistically significant degree. This finding, though hypothesized based on previous empirical findings, is contrary to the theoretical assumption that controlling for SDR should improve the relationship of self-report with outcome. The discussion centers on the implications of routinely removing impression management from self-report. 相似文献
409.
Michael Howlett Jeremy Rayner 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1995,38(3):382-410
Abstract: Conflict and controversy have been a prominent feature of the politics of the Canadian forest sector for over a decade, but with little apparent effect on Canadian forest policies. To help understand the role of ideas in the policy process, this paper focuses on the configuration of policy subsystems in the sector, arguing that “captured” and “clientelistic” policy networks have been able to resist criticisms emerging from fractious policy communities. Until such time as a coherent and consistent alternative forest policy paradigm emerges to unify the community, it is likely that the present disjuncture between ideas and interests in the forest sector will continue to characterize forest policy development. Sommaire: Depuis plus d'une décennie, le débat politique dans le secteur forestier au Canada a été fortement marqué par le conflit et la controverse, sans toutefois avoir beaucoup d'impact visible sur les politiques forestières du pays. Pour mieux cerner le rôle des idées dans la définition des politiques, cet article examine la configuration des sous-systèmes décisionnels du secteur et soutient que les structures décision-nelles captives et favorisant la clientèle ont résisté aux critiques des groupes antago-nistes. L'actuelle divergence entre les idées et les intérêts dans le secteur forestier caractérisera probablement la définition des politiques forestières jusqu'à ce qu'on leur trouve une solution de rechange cohérente capable de faire l'unanimité au sein des collectivités intéressées. 相似文献
410.