Teeth as a source of DNA for forensic identification of human remains: A Review

Teeth and bones are frequently the only sources of DNA available for identification of degraded or fragmented human remains. The unique composition of teeth and their location in the jawbone provide additional protection to DNA compared to bones making them a preferred source of DNA in many cases. Despite this, post-mortem changes in the structure and composition of teeth, and the location and diagenesis of DNA within them are poorly understood. This review summarises current knowledge of tooth morphology with respect to DNA content and preservation, and discusses the way in which post-mortem changes will affect the recovery of DNA from teeth under a range of commonly used extraction protocols. We highlight the benefits and pitfalls of using specific tooth tissues for DNA extraction and make recommendations for tooth selection and sampling that will maximise DNA typing success. A comprehensive understanding of tooth structure and an appreciation of the relationship between DNA and mineralized tissues in post-mortem teeth are critical for optimal sample selection. More informed sampling methods that target specific tooth tissues will increase the likelihood of successful genetic analysis and allow for efficient and timely missing persons case work and disaster victim identification response.     

The spread of famine in Africa: Avoiding the worst

The aim of this article is to provide an evaluation of Uganda's current strategy to fight corruption. Like many countries on the African continent, Uganda has deemed it necessary to make attempts to reduce and control corruption within the public sector. As awareness of the deleterious and debilitating effects of corruption has grown, so too have both internal political factors and external pressures from aid donors increased in order to push for fundamental change in this respect. In terms of the donors, many have stipulated specific conditions relating to a good governance agenda based upon adherence to public integrity and minimum standards of public conduct. Sensitivity to pressure also stems in part, from a wish by government to be seen to be actively responding to donor concerns. Internal pressures stem from a growing desire by the public to demand accountability from those in government.     

Self-Reported and Official Offending from Age 10 to Age 56

In the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development, over 400 London males have been followed up from age 8 to age 48 in face-to-face interviews and up to age 56 in criminal records. About 42 % of the males were convicted up to age 56. During five age ranges up to age 47, 94 % of the males admitted at least one of eight offenses, in comparison with 31 % who were convicted for at least one of these offenses in these age ranges. The prevalence of offending, and the number of offenses committed, decreased steadily after age 18 according to both convictions and self-reports. On average, there were 38 self-reported offenses per conviction, and this ratio also decreased with age. Convicted males self-reported 25 offenses per conviction on average. It is concluded that the “scaling-up factor” from convictions to self-reported offenses is very important, especially in evaluating the effectiveness of intervention programs.     

Who Fights? The Determinants of Participation in Civil War

A range of seemingly rival theories attempt to explain why some individuals take extraordinary risks by choosing to participate in armed conflict. To date, however, competing accounts have typically not been grounded in systematic, empirical studies of the determinants of participation. In this article, we begin to fill this gap through an examination of the determinants of participation in insurgent and counterinsurgent factions in Sierra Leone's civil war. We find some support for all of the competing theories, suggesting that the rivalry between them is artificial and that theoretical work has insufficiently explored the interaction of various recruitment strategies. At the same time, the empirical results challenge standard interpretations of grievance-based accounts of participation, as poverty, a lack of access to education, and political alienation predict participation in both rebellion and counterrebellion. Factors that are traditionally seen as indicators of grievance or frustration may instead proxy a for more general susceptibility to engage in violent action or a greater vulnerability to political manipulation by elites.