Impression management and self-report among violent offenders

Offenders are assumed by many to employ socially desirable responding (SDR) response styles when completing self-report measures. Contrary to expectations, prior research has shown that accounting for SDR in self-report measures of antisocial constructs does not improve the relationship with outcome. Despite this, many self-report measures reliably predict future criminal outcome criteria. The present research examines the relationship of SDR (self-deception and impression management) with self-reported antisocial attitudes and the outcome of criminal recidivism in a sample of violent offenders. Offenders high on impression management reported lower antisocial attitudes. However, when impression management was statistically partialed from antisocial attitudes, the relationship with recidivism tended to diminish, though not to a statistically significant degree. This finding, though hypothesized based on previous empirical findings, is contrary to the theoretical assumption that controlling for SDR should improve the relationship of self-report with outcome. The discussion centers on the implications of routinely removing impression management from self-report.     

DO ideas matter? Policy network configurations and resistance to policy change in the Canadian forest sector

Abstract: Conflict and controversy have been a prominent feature of the politics of the Canadian forest sector for over a decade, but with little apparent effect on Canadian forest policies. To help understand the role of ideas in the policy process, this paper focuses on the configuration of policy subsystems in the sector, arguing that “captured” and “clientelistic” policy networks have been able to resist criticisms emerging from fractious policy communities. Until such time as a coherent and consistent alternative forest policy paradigm emerges to unify the community, it is likely that the present disjuncture between ideas and interests in the forest sector will continue to characterize forest policy development. Sommaire: Depuis plus d'une décennie, le débat politique dans le secteur forestier au Canada a été fortement marqué par le conflit et la controverse, sans toutefois avoir beaucoup d'impact visible sur les politiques forestières du pays. Pour mieux cerner le rôle des idées dans la définition des politiques, cet article examine la configuration des sous-systèmes décisionnels du secteur et soutient que les structures décision-nelles captives et favorisant la clientèle ont résisté aux critiques des groupes antago-nistes. L'actuelle divergence entre les idées et les intérêts dans le secteur forestier caractérisera probablement la définition des politiques forestières jusqu'à ce qu'on leur trouve une solution de rechange cohérente capable de faire l'unanimité au sein des collectivités intéressées.     

Towards resonant places: reflections on the organizing strategy of the International Transport Workers’ Federation

This article explores a geographical dilemma at the heart of union organizing in transnational corporations; namely, how to circulate union power across different spaces when existing labour struggles are generally restricted to single sites. Reflecting on the experience of the International Transport Workers' Federation, this paper argues that single site campaigns have been crucial to its organizing programme. Analysing cases involving dock workers in India and logistics workers in Turkey, it is noted that these struggles are resource intensive but potentially transformational, and should be theorized as ‘resonant places’ in a wider global organizing strategy.     

Enhancing Australian Regional Policy: A Conceptual Framework for Assessing the Role of Regional Development Australia

Australian regional development has suffered from ‘fragmentation’ with policy responsibility shared between different tiers of government. The Rudd government sought to improve regional policy with the establishment of the Regional Development Australia (RDA) network. However, uncertainty surrounds the role of RDA. This paper seeks to illuminate this problem by drawing on the literature on types of multi-tiered governance, especially the work of Hooghe and Marks and Skelcher on Type I and Type II bodies. It is argued in a normative framework that the RDA network has the characteristics of Type II entities and that this gives it a comparative advantage in specific respects.     

Mine smartness and the community voice in mine-risk education: lessons from Afghanistan and Angola

Mine-risk education programmes will fall short of their intended impact for as long as they fail to take into account local responses—knowledge, logic and everyday practices—to mine threats. Community information, systematically collected through household and institutional surveys, can help to define and understand endogenous ‘mine smartness’. The same evidence provides insight into the impact of mine-risk education, including its unintended consequences. Using six criteria of mine smartness, ciet carried out evaluations of mine-risk education in Afghanistan (1997) and Angola (1999). The first clear lesson to be drawn from these evaluations is that people in mine-affected areas do generate their own broadly effective means of facing the daily threat of mines. The second lesson is that people take risks for reasons that make sense to them: ‘education’ that landmines are dangerous probably adds little value for them. The third lesson is that mine-risk education that does not take into account these first two lessons can cause harm. The evaluations produced evidence of unintended risk-taking by people exposed to mine-risk education programmes.     

Policy framing: Interest groups and the lead up to 1996 inter‐governmental conference

This article (completed before the Amsterdam Summit in June 1997) examines the ongoing attempts by key non‐governmental actors to influence the agenda of the 1996 Inter‐governmental Confederence (IGC). This IGC constitutes a good example of the ‘garbage‐can’ model of organisational choice, characterised by solutions chasing problems and problems chasing solutions. In the absence of a fixed agenda, key groups such as businesses, trades unions and environmentalists compete to ‘frame’ the IGC debates in a manner consistent with their own interests. Building on the policy fashion of the 1980s and 1990s, business has been particularly successful in establishing ‘competititveness’ as a central theme. Other groups, such as environmentalists and trade union may secure ‘side payments’ in return for continued support for European integration. As the IGC progresses, groups are likely to reformulate their preferences and engage in continuous ad hoc coalition‐building in order to achieve their objectives.