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231.
Jeremy Leaman 《German politics》2013,22(3):22-48
With the demise of the post‐war ‘Keynesian accommodation’, social democratic parties are having to come to terms with the increasingly key role of central banks in the political management of markets. This article examines the differing views of the SPD and the British Labour Party to government‐central bank relations in terms of their differing national contexts. The second part interprets the results of a postal survey of MPs and MEPs from both parties relating to recent developments in national and supranational central banking and identifies significant contrasts between the two and important contradictions in perceptions of policy processes, notably within the SPD group. Such contradictions relate above all to the popularisation of the Bundesbank model of autonomy and the feasibility of (social) democratic politics. 相似文献
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Though the build-up of China's blue-water fleet is causing consternation in foreign-policy circles, the country's on-going expansion into Russia and the former Soviet Union has scarcely garnered comment. For the past decade, China has used its foreign reserves to acquire strategic assets (principally infrastructure and natural resources) and tracts of sovereign territory along its existing borders and increasingly further afield. The impact on targeted countries (and, in turn, their own foreign policy) is extreme, with serious implications for security and economics far beyond their borders. This article provides an overview of China's acquisitions and investments in Eurasia, followed by more detailed discussion of recent developments and responses in Central Asia, Ukraine and Mongolia, and Siberia. It then looks at the impact of China's actions on Sino-Russian relations, discusses the importance of Russia and Central Asia as a resource corridor and buffer zone between Europe and China, and suggests how these manoeuvrings might result in long-term benefits for China. 相似文献
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Jeremy Black 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):61-69
SUMMARY In this article Joachim Bahlcke has re-examined the significance of the agreement of the Estates of the crown of St Wenceslas, representing Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia and Upper- and Lower Lusatia to a federal constitution, the Confoederatio Bohemica in 1619. He argues that this was not just an improvised response to the contingencies of the Bohemian revolt against their Habsburg king, Ferdinand of Styria, but the outcome of a lengthy process of discussion and negotiation between the Estates. He argues that they achieved a remarkable success in overcoming deeply rooted internal divisions, and produced a mature set of constitutional proposals involving significant modernizations of the traditional structures to achieve a strong federal system based on equality of rights between the participating Lands. These reflected ideas drawn from leading political thinkers of the age. He believes the Confoederatio Bohemica represented an alternative model of a more effective central government, based on consent from below, to the monarchical-absolutist command model then coming into favour in Europe. 相似文献
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This investigation of reform of Western Australian community services problematises assumptions about the enabling state. The investigation is distinctive by virtue of its attention to the departure points as well as the destinations in pathways of policy change and its unpacking of three modes of public provision into their three constituent policy elements (funder-provider mix; the nature of agreements between policy actors; and the type of funding relationships). We find first that government had long adopted some aspects of the model of governance associated with the enabling state. Second, we find some path dependency in policy change towards marketisation. Third, we find highly nuanced policy outcomes combining government exploitation of its authority, market innovations and the maintenance of basic network features of the programs. 相似文献
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