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111.
Jeffrey Lazarus 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):185-198
Politically experienced challengers are more successful in seeking political office than amateurs. The relationship is found
so regularly that political experience has become the standard ex ante indicator of challenger quality in studies of American elections. Despite this, little work has investigated why experienced challengers are so successful. Many scholars attribute the relationship to inherent differences between experienced
challengers and amateurs: experienced challengers have stronger electoral skills and greater access to material resources.
I argue that these differences play a role, but an indirect one. Rather, experienced challengers are lead by both their resource
advantage and the high amount of risk they are exposed to in seeking office to run in races in which their party has a good
chance of winning. Thus, the direct cause of the experienced challengers’ success is self-selection into winnable races. Empirical
analysis supports the self-selection model over a model in which resources directly lead to success.
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Jeffrey LazarusEmail: |
112.
Anton Oleinik 《Society》2008,45(3):288-293
The experience of Soviet involvement in Afghanistan (1979–1989) is considered through the prism of institutional transfers.
Afghanistan has a long history of attempts to implement Muslim, Soviet and Anglo-Saxon institutional designs. Most of them
have failed. This failure can be attributed to the lack of ‘elective affinity’ between traditional and new institutions imported
from more developed countries. It is argued that a careful examination of the degree of elective affinity must precede any
attempt of institutional transfers. An analysis of Ph.D. dissertations defended by Afghan students at Soviet and Russian universities
complements logical arguments and references to historical facts.
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Anton OleinikEmail: |
113.
Mark N. Katz 《Society》2008,45(2):177-180
This article compares Moscow’s and Washington’s foreign policies toward the Middle East in 1982 and 2008. In 1982, Moscow
and Washington each had a distinct set of friends and foes. In 2008, Washington still has a distinct set of friends and foes,
but Moscow has relatively good relations with all governments and most major opposition movements in the region—the only exceptions
being Al Qaeda and its affiliates. It is argued that Putin’s policy toward the Middle East is not really aimed at displacing
the U.S. in the region, but protecting Russia and Russian interests from Al Qaeda and its allies. Indeed, a continued American
presence in the region serves to protect Russian interests in the region.
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Mark N. KatzEmail: |
114.
Jens Beckert 《Society》2008,45(6):521-528
There are some social issues whose significance for society nobody would seriously question but which nevertheless receive
only scarce attention in sociological research. One of these is the bequest of private wealth from one generation to the next.
It is currently estimated that about 550 billion dollars are transferred annually in the United States, amounting to more
than 4% of the American gross national product (Havens and Schervish 1999). Not only is this a huge amount of wealth that
changes ownership, but the bequest of wealth speaks to some of the core questions of sociological scholarship.
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Jens BeckertEmail: |
115.
The authors comment on an earlier aritice in Society by Eugene Goodheart and offer a novel hypothesis about the origins of
religion.
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Lionel Tiger (Corresponding author)Email: |
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Brian Grodsky 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(3):281-297
While the study of transitional justice, and especially truth commissions, has gained in popularity over the past two decades,
the literature is overwhelmingly focused on activities in democratizing states. This introduces a selection bias that interferes
with proper analysis of causes and consequences of transitional justice on a global scale. In this paper, I discuss conditions
under which new repressive elites, and even old repressive elites who survive to rule and repress in nominally new systems,
may choose to launch broad investigations of the past. I argue that such a decision is based on two primary considerations,
the presence of internally or externally based incentives (e.g., foreign aid) and the level of political control enjoyed by
old elites in the new system. I apply this argument to post-Soviet Central Asia, including a detailed case study of Uzbekistan’s
1999 truth commission based on domestic media analysis and local elite interviews.
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Brian GrodskyEmail: |