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961.
962.
Christina Suthammanont David A. M. Peterson Chris T. Owens Jan E. Leighley 《Political Behavior》2010,32(2):231-253
Drawing from group theories of race-related attitudes and electoral politics, we develop and test how anxiety influences the
relative weight of prejudice as a determinant of individuals’ support for racial policies. We hypothesize that prejudice will
more strongly influence the racial policy preferences of people who are feeling anxious than it will for people who are not.
Using an experimental design we manipulate subjects’ levels of threat and find significant treatment effects, as hypothesized.
We find that individuals’ racial policy attitudes are partially conditional on their affective states: individuals who feel
anxious report less support for racial policies than those individuals who do not feel anxious, even when this threat is stimulated
by non-racial content. More broadly, we conclude that affect is central to a better understanding of individuals’ political
attitudes and behaviors. 相似文献
963.
Tiffany C. Davenport 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):337-368
Low turnout among the urban poor has implications for democratic representation. The fact that turnout among the economically
disadvantaged is especially low in municipal elections means that citizens most in need of services provided at the local
level may not be represented in policy decisions that affect their daily lives. This paper reports the results of an experiment
that compares the effects of two voter mobilization interventions: traditional canvassing appeals and face-to-face exchanges
in which canvassers distribute a feedback intervention consisting of printed records of individual voter histories. In contrast
to previous studies, this experiment measures the effectiveness of using social pressure to mobilize turnout among relatively
infrequent voters in a low salience election. The campaign was implemented by a credible tenant advocacy organization within
the context of a municipal election; the sample consisted of registered voters in two Boston public housing developments.
I find that the feedback intervention dramatically increased voter turnout. Turnout among those reached by canvassers with
voter histories was approximately 15–18 percentage points higher than turnout in the control group, an effect that is approximately
10 percentage points larger in magnitude than that of standard face-to-face mobilization. 相似文献
964.
Jonathan McDonald Ladd 《Political Behavior》2010,32(1):29-50
Today, most Americans dislike the news media as an institution. This has led to considerable debate about why people dislike
the media and how their public standing could be improved. This paper contributes to this literature by using a survey experiment
to test the effect of several different considerations on evaluations of the media. It finds, consistent with the broader
literature on political persuasion, that elite partisan opinion leadership can powerfully shape these attitudes. Additionally,
it finds that tabloid coverage creates antipathy toward the press regardless of predispositions and that horserace coverage
has a negative effect on opinions among politically aware citizens on both sides of the political spectrum. Contrary to some
claims in the literature, this study finds no detectable effect of news negativity. 相似文献
965.
Spencer Piston 《Political Behavior》2010,32(4):431-451
Some commentators claim that white Americans put prejudice behind them when evaluating presidential candidates in 2008. Previous
research examining whether white racism hurts black candidates has yielded mixed results. Fortunately, the presidential candidacy
of Barack Obama provides an opportunity to examine more rigorously whether prejudice disadvantages black candidates. I also
make use of an innovation in the measurement of racial stereotypes in the 2008 American National Election Studies survey,
which yields higher levels of reporting of racial stereotypes among white respondents. I find that negative stereotypes about
blacks significantly eroded white support for Barack Obama. Further, racial stereotypes do not predict support for previous
Democratic presidential candidates or current prominent Democrats, indicating that white voters punished Obama for his race
rather than his party affiliation. Finally, prejudice had a particularly large impact on the voting decisions of Independents
and a substantial impact on Democrats but very little influence on Republicans. 相似文献
966.
Lenn E. Goodman 《Society》2010,47(6):510-515
Celebrity is manufactured in a society that has access to mass communications. But it still carries a mystique. Part of the
appeal: romantic tales of discovery, fall, recovery and redemption. 相似文献
967.
Patrick Fisher 《Society》2010,47(4):295-300
The 2008 presidential election suggests a significant realignment among voters entering the electorate, with younger voters
deviating considerably from older voters in their partisan preferences. Barack Obama won the vote of those under 30 years
old by a 66% to 32% margin and first time voters favored him by an overwhelming margin of 69–30%. The fact that the age gap
between Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton during the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination contest was also among the largest
age gaps in American electoral history suggests that part of the age gap was undoubtedly due to the appeal of Obama with younger
Americans. Part of the age gap, however, was also due to the unpopularity of the George W. Bush administration. The strong
youth vote for Obama in 2008 was thus both pro-Obama and anti-Bush in nature. The huge age gap in 2008 suggests a split of
the electorate along generational lines and the long-term consequences of the age gap appear to overwhelmingly favor the Democratic
Party. George W. Bush’s unpopular and divisive presidency helped to make the youngest generation of American voters increasingly
Democratic in their vote preference. This suggests that if younger Americans follow other generations in keeping the same
partisan voting patterns throughout their life, the Democrats are potentially poised to make considerable gains in future
elections. 相似文献
968.
Reports from “Backstage” in Entertainment News 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Elizabeth Butler Breese 《Society》2010,47(5):396-402
While “serious” news outlets struggle financially in the United States, evidence suggests that entertainment news coverage
is thriving. By expanding upon Erving Goffman’s performance perspective and performance theory, this article seeks to illuminate
representations of celebrities in the news media, with attention to the recent news stories regarding Tiger Woods and Sandra
Bullock. The analysis also explores the off-screen performance of celebrities—developed and presented in news stories, interviews
and photographs—and the repercussions when reports of a celebrity’s unmanaged backstage performance exposes the front stage
performance as a pretense. 相似文献
969.
Virgil Henry Storr 《Society》2010,47(3):200-206
Although Berger and Luckmann do not specifically discuss the market, they would undoubtedly agree that the market is socially
constructed. Indeed, the market is a product of social action that has an objective and subjective reality. Inspired by Berger
and Luckmann’s work, this paper will describe the social construction of the market. Specifically, it will focus on the Austrian
understanding of the market. It is my contention that the Austrians have articulated a “sociology of the market” that is consistent
with Berger and Luckmann’s approach. 相似文献
970.