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81.
This article measures the over-indebtedness of micro-borrowers. It defines over-indebtedness from a customer-protection perspective, based on the borrowers' sacrifices. We analyse the sacrifices borrowers experience and find that 30 per cent of borrowers are over-indebted. We then test risk management indicators of debt problems as predictors of over-indebtedness. Over-indebtedness is strongly related to delinquency and the debt-to-income ratio but not to debt amounts or to multiple borrowing. Although our model correctly predicts 72.6 per cent of cases, even the best indicators identify only a few over-indebted borrowers. Risk management is not enough to protect customers against over-indebtedness but the industry needs to measure customer experiences directly.  相似文献   
82.

It is generally accepted that the international donor community influences the politics of recipient states. In particular, donor calls for political liberalization are seen to have had, and continue to have, effects upon democratization in countries dependent upon international economic assistance. Such democratic contingency tied to aid suggests that the continuation of aid flows, and possibly an increase in aid transfer sums, occurs in response to political liberalization. It also implies the threat of decreases in, or even cessation of, foreign aid should the recipient state fail to implement political reform. This research assesses the role that the donor community plays in recipient states’ transition to democracy, focusing on Tanzania as a case study. Tanzania, a major recipient of foreign aid, underwent fundamental political reform in 1992. This study combines analysis of fluctuations in bilateral aid flows to Tanzania with interpretations of the causal role played by donor pressure from the perspectives of representatives of the donor community as well as from members of Tanzania's political elite. These perspectives are derived from original interviews conducted by the author. The findings indicate no correlation between fluctuations in aid transfers and Tanzania's implementation of multi‐party democracy. Rather, it was the perception among the Tanzanian leadership of a direct linkage between donor aid disbursements and political liberalization that prompted the political transition.  相似文献   
83.
For more than a century, white communities across the United States employed strategies to remain all-white, including violent acts, forcibly driving minorities out of town, and racist local ordinances. One particularly widespread and effective approach used by many towns to exclude certain groups of people from living there was the creation of a ‘sundown town’: towns that purposely signalled to African Americans and other non-white groups that they were not welcome within the city limits after dark. Crowe and Ceresola seek to understand how historical racial policies affect present-day community life and, in particular, one component of community with which many towns currently struggle: economic development. In exploring the effect of cultural legacy on perceptions of race and economic development in five mid-sized communities in central and southern Illinois—two former sundown towns and three without histories of racial exclusion—their study uses interviews, observation and content analysis to examine how historical legacy can carry over to the present and affect economic development. Overall, the findings suggest that the values and beliefs passed down through a community's legacy influences current local economic development.  相似文献   
84.
Study after study has found that regime type has little or no effect on states’ decisions to pursue nuclear weapons. We argue, however, that conventional approaches comparing the behavior of democracies to that of nondemocracies have resulted in incorrect inferences. We disaggregate types of nondemocracies and argue that leaders of highly centralized, “personalistic” dictatorships are particularly likely to view nuclear weapons as an attractive solution to their concerns about regime security and face fewer constraints in pursuing nuclear weapons than leaders of other types of regimes. Combining our more nuanced classification of regime type with a more theoretically appropriate empirical approach, we find that personalist regimes are substantially more likely to pursue nuclear weapons than other regime types. This finding is robust to different codings of proliferation dates and a range of modeling approaches and specifications and has significant implications for both theory and policy.  相似文献   
85.
The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which military law enforcement agents and their spouses shared similar perceptions of work-life conflict and organizational support. One hundred seventy Special Agents in the Air Force Office of Special Investigations and their spouses participated in the study. Survey results revealed that Agents and spouses shared very similar views regarding the Agents’ work-life conflict and organizational support. Agents had slightly more positive views of supervisory support than their spouses did. Agents perceived somewhat more work-to-family conflict, and considerably more family-to-work conflict than their spouses thought they did. Both Agents and their spouses perceived greater support for work-life balance from immediate supervisors than from the organization as a whole. Implications for managing work-life conflict are discussed.  相似文献   
86.
In Homo Sacer, Giorgio Agamben suggests that Herman’s Melville’s ‘Bartleby the Scrivener’ offers the ‘strongest objection against the principle of sovereignty’. Bartleby, a legal scribe who does not write, is best known for the formula with which he responds to all his employer’s requests, ‘I would prefer not to.’ This paper examines this formula, asking what it would mean to ‘prefer not to’ when the law is in question. By reading Melville’s story alongside Aristotle’s theory of potentiality and Walter Benjamin’s theses on history, it suggests that Bartleby’s interest, for Agamben, lies in his challenge to dominant conceptions of the relation between potentiality and actuality, which, he believes, are rendered indistinct in sovereignty. By reflecting critically on Agamben’s depiction of Bartleby as a ‘new Messiah’, this paper examines Agamben’s understanding of what it would mean to fulfil the law, and what form of political task this would entail.  相似文献   
87.
Over the past decade, as human rights discourses have increasingly served to legitimize state militarism, a growing number of thinkers have sought to engage critically with the human rights project and its anthropological foundations. Amongst these thinkers, Giorgio Agamben’s account of rights is possibly the most damning: human rights declarations, he argues, are biopolitical mechanisms that serve to inscribe life within the order of the nation state, and provide an earthly foundation for a sovereign power that is taking on a form redolent of the concentration camp. In this paper, I will examine Agamben’s account of human rights declarations, which he sees as central to the modern collapse of the distinction between life and politics that had typified classical politics. I will then turn to the critique of Agamben offered by Jacques Ranciere, who suggests that Agamben’s rejection of rights discourses is consequent to his adoption of Hannah Arendt’s belief that, in order to establish a realm of freedom, the political realm must be premised on the expulsion of natural life. In contrast to Ranciere, I will argue that far from sharing the position of those thinkers, like Arendt, who seek to respond to the modern erosion of the borders between politics and life by resurrecting earlier forms of separation, Agamben sees the collapse of this border as the condition of possibility of a new, non-juridical politics.
Jessica WhyteEmail:
  相似文献   
88.
89.
The 608-bp hypervariable region 1 (HV1) sequences from 36 local dogs were analyzed to characterize the population genetic structure of canid mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA). Sixteen haplotypes were identified. A 417-bp segment of this sequence was compared with GenBank sequences from a geographically representative sample of 201 dogs, two coyotes, and two wolves. Sixty-six haplotypes were identified including 62 found only in domestic dogs. Fourteen of these correspond to the 16 local haplotypes and were among the most frequent haplotypes. The local sample was judged to be representative of the much broader geographic sample. No correlation was observed between local haplotypes and the owner's characterization of dog breed. A 60-bp variation "hotspot" within the canid HV1 was identified as a potentially valuable molecular tool, particularly for assaying limited or degraded DNA samples.  相似文献   
90.
Research has demonstrated the utility of the MMPI-2 in identifying good and poor performance, dissatisfaction, termination, low performance ratings, unsatisfactory and satisfactory criterion groups, problematic behavior, corruption, and aggression. There is much research to suggest that certain patterns of responding to this measure by officer applicants predict job performance behaviors that supervisors and police executives view unfavorably. This study illustrates the fact that variables which are likely to predict police performance are less obvious and more subtle. Discussion centers on repression and underlying hostility. Authors' Note: William U. Weiss, Ph.D., is professor of psychology, The University of Evansville, 1800 Lincoln Avenue, Evansville IN 47722. At the time this study was done, Jessica Johnson was an undergraduate student research assistant. Gerald F. Serafino, Ph.D., and Ann Serafino are in private practice in Roswell, New Mexico.  相似文献   
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