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921.
Stefanía Óskarsdóttir 《Scandinavian political studies》2020,43(3):207-222
This article maps the landscape of think tanks in Iceland. It shows that think tanks are very few and insignificant in Icelandic policymaking. In the literature, the growth of think tanks in European countries with corporatist pasts has been linked to a change to a more pluralist system of interest representation. The case of Iceland lends support to this claim. In contrast to Scandinavia, corporatism remains entrenched in Iceland. But although there is a very limited market for local think tanks in Iceland, it is nevertheless recognized by political actors that touting policy advice offered by prestigious (international) think tanks can bring political benefits. This is also demonstrated in the article, showing that the influence of think tanks transcends at times national borders. 相似文献
922.
ABSTRACTAssessing prisoners’ risk of recidivism and making risk-management recommendations is central to the work of prison-based psychologists. Risk assessment is particularly crucial when it involves indeterminate sentenced prisoners: psychologists’ recommendations have potentially significant consequences both for prisoners and the public. However, little is known about psychologists’ experiences of conducting such high stakes risk assessments. This paper reports the results of an exploration of psychologists’ experiences, via interviews and discussions with qualified, prison-based psychologists. Analysis using Grounded Theory methods identified one super-ordinate category of meaning, namely The Challenging Context of Risk Assessment, which comprised two sub-categories: (1) pressure of limited resources and (2) pressure of the environment. An additional major category, Risk Assessment as a Weighty Task, comprised three sub-categories: psychologists described (1) a weight of responsibility relating to the magnitude and range of their responsibilities; (2) a weight of expectation from colleagues to provide solutions, and (3) the trainee dilemma associated with the need to balance development of trainee psychologists’ competence in risk assessment with being held accountable for their work. Understanding qualified psychologists’ experiences of undertaking risk assessments with indeterminate sentenced prisoners can facilitate improvements and build on areas of existing good practice. 相似文献
923.
Juliana Martínez Franzoni 《拉美政治与社会》2008,50(2):67-100
This article presents both a theoretical framework and a methodology that attempt to capture the complex interactions among labor markets, families, and public policy that currently constitute Latin American welfare regimes. Drawing on cluster analysis based on available data for 18 countries, the study identifies three welfare regimes. Two are state welfare regimes: protectionist (e.g. Costa Rica) and productivist (e.g. Chile); one is nonstate familiarist (e.g. Ecuador and Nicaragua). In a region where people's well‐being is deeply embedded in family relationships, closer scholarly attention to how social structures interact with public policy bears not only academic interest but also policy implications, particularly for adapting particular welfare regimes to the local welfare mix. 相似文献
924.
Jo Eric Khushal Murkens 《The Modern law review》2007,70(5):731-758
The relationship between the national and the European legal orders is affected by the way it is theorised by the national constitutional traditions. This article will explore the opposing constitutional assumptions in Germany that underlie two interpretations of what in Anglo-Saxon countries is known as constitutional law: Staatsrecht and Verfassungsrecht. The two contending visions are generated from different conceptions of the European Union and, especially, the state. The origins of the German constitutional traditions will be historically reconstructed. Although Staatsrecht has historically offered the dominant interpretation of public law, Verfassungsrecht has 'de-mystified' the state. To continue to offer a coherent interpretation Staatsrecht need not abandon the state as its central concept, but will need to re-examine the content of the concept in light of modern forms of constitutionalism and European integration. 相似文献
925.
926.
927.
In this paper, we analyse empirically how the legal framework affects the relationship between labour market conditions and
dismissals. We use a pseudo-panel of Spanish data from 1987 to 2001. We find that Labour Law reforms have effects on the use
of individual and collective dismissals although such effects are much lower than those related to the business cycle. The
results also show a strategic use of the different types of dismissals, distorting the work of those institutions involved
in dismissals.
相似文献
928.
Lília G. M. Tavolaro 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2008,19(3-4):145-160
In 2001, the State universities of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ and UENF) were the first Brazilian public universities to reserve 40% of their places for self-declared blacks (negros) and browns (pardos). In 2004, the University of Brasilia became the first federal university to implement an affirmative policy for black (negros) and indigenous people in Brazil. In the present article it is my intention to focus on contingent aspects in the making of these policies. While looking into both cases as two institutional discourses of race, I seek to challenge two common and equally problematic interpretations of the current race-assertive politics in Brazil, namely: (a) one that sees these affirmative action initiatives as the result of a kind of inevitable process towards the disclosure of Brazil’s hidden and actual plurality of “races;” (b) and another that, by contrast, conceives them as a sort of “imported model” that is not only imposed from abroad but also incompatible with the Brazilian symbolic order and system of racial classification. 相似文献
929.
Enrique García Viñuela Joaquín Artés Caselles 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2008,25(3):177-190
This paper analyzes the reforms of the Spanish electoral finance regulatory system during the nineties. We present a number of indexes to measure the impact of the reforms on parties and campaign spending. We also suggest a game theoretical model to explain why the two main parties agreed to support the legal changes in the nineties. A principal outcome of the reforms was to establish an effective limit to campaign expenses. In our view this would have not been feasible in the late seventies or eighties. Then the parties were trapped in a prisoner’s dilemma in which each party had to spend more in order to prevent other parties from gaining electoral advantage. But in the nineties the main parties, ridden with problems of soaring electoral debts and disgruntled voters, used the reform of political finance as a coordination device to achieve a Pareto efficient equilibrium. 相似文献
930.
Patent Production at a European Research University: Exploratory Evidence at the Laboratory Level 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Joaquín M. Azagra-Caro Nicolas Carayol Patrick Llerena 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2006,31(2):257-268
Most studies of academic patenting focus on the university as the unit of analysis. In contrast, we examine this phenomenon
at the laboratory level. Based on a sample of 83 research laboratories of Louis Pasteur University (ULP, Strasbourg, France)
from 1993 to 2000, we constructed a panel data set that allows us to discriminate between patents that are owned by the university
and those that are owned by firms and other organizations but invented by faculty members. We use these data to estimate a
patent production function and find that university-owned patents are more responsive to specific public funding, while non-university-owned
patents are more responsive to industrial funding. Our results also highlight the importance to control for disciplinary and
institutional differences, since they significantly affect the production of the different kinds of ULP patents. 相似文献