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Jack Freeman 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(11):1008-1019
The Yemeni government has fought an insurgency in the north of Yemen against a group called the Shabab al Moumineen, (Believing Youth) since 2004. The insurgency is portrayed by the Yemeni government in the press as a localized phenomenon led by the single al Houthi family and state that their ranks have been decimated by near-continuous fighting. However, the al Houthi Insurgency, led by the Shabab al Moumineen, is far more than a localized uprising: it is a full-blown insurgency–and one that Yemen's government and people may not be prepared to combat. This article explains the origin of the Shabab al Moumineen and conveys the importance of this conflict in Yemen and its potential multiple impacts on the broader Middle East. 相似文献
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Purpose
Legislative mandates that require GPS monitoring of offenders add to the existing logistical complexities of community supervision. Challenges in implementing GPS policies and practices are heightened by the lack of sound empirical research. Studies examining the relationships between GPS monitoring of sex offenders in the community and the legislative goals of public safety, deterrence, and cost effectiveness are virtually nonexistent. To begin to address this gap in the literature, this study examines the impact of a statutorily-based GPS monitoring program for adult sex offenders convicted of dangerous crimes against children and placed under community supervision.Method
Official offender generated alert data for DCAC Sex Offenders in Maricopa County, AZ are examined from the time of legislative mandate for a subsequent two year period.Results
Analyses highlight the significant number of equipment related alerts triggered by a loss of satellite signal for offenders under GPS monitoring as a key concern as well as a significant increase in officer workload as a result.Conclusions
A divergence between legislative goals and practical application of mandated GPS monitoring programs exists. GPS technology is far more limited than anticipated and should be viewed as a tool rather than depended upon as a control mechanism. 相似文献47.
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Peter Freeman 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(2):206-228
The War Office's First World War cryptanalytic bureau MI1(b) has been severely overshadowed by its more glamorous equivalent in the Admiralty, ‘Room 40’. In particular its diplomatic decryption work has gone completely unnoticed; yet this was its main activity, and it contributed more than did Room 40 to their common successor, the Government Code and Cypher School (GC&CS). This article, drawing on the past decade's releases of GC&CS archives, traces the development of MI1(b)'s diplomatic work, disentangles its achievements from those of its better-known naval colleague, describes how the two organizations were merged to become GC&CS, and suggests why MI1(b)'s achievements were so quickly forgotten. 相似文献