Culture on the Rise: How and Why Cultural Membership Promotes Democratic Politics

Selectively using Tocqueville, many social scientists suggest that civic participation increases democracy. We go beyond this neo-Tocquevillian model in three ways. First, to capture broader political and economic transformations, we consider different types of participation; results change if we analyze separate participation arenas. Some are declining, but a dramatic finding is the rise of arts and culture. Second, to assess impacts of participation, we study more dimensions of democratic politics, including distinct norms of citizenship and their associated political repertoires. Third, by analyzing global International Social Survey Programme and World Values Survey data, we identify dramatic subcultural differences: the Tocquevillian model is positive, negative, or zero in different subcultures and contexts that we explicate.     

Movement Outcomes and Movement Decline: The Vietnam War and the Antiwar Movement

Conventional accounts underestimate the duration and impact of the movement against the Vietnam War. Data from the New York Times Index show more arrests in antiwar protests in 1972 than in the years usually considered the height of the movement; demonstrations continued until a week before the end of the war. The persistence of the movement strengthens claims it succeeded. While those who minimize movement influence assume it had to be popular to succeed, it had a direct impact on policy makers uncertain about future trends in public opinion and electoral behavior. The movement changed the discourse about, and the conduct of, the war, restraining escalation and accelerating troop withdrawals. Comparing Nixon's goals and those of the movement with the Paris Peace Accords shows the success of the movement. The movement also helped lower the voting age, reform the presidential nominating system, and change attitudes towards military action.     

STATE-LOCAL RELATIONS AND THE AMERICAN JAIL CRISIS: AN ASSESSMENT OF STATE JAIL MANDATES

Years of neglect, combined with the recent development of a “hands on” judicial policy have resulted in a jail crisis in America. States, recognizing their contribution to this situation, have begun to develop policies designed to assist local jail officials in operating safe, humane, and constitutional facilities. These state efforts are a form o f mandating, and primarily concern minimum operating standards and inspections programs. In this research we investigate three questions related to state mandating of local jail operations: (1) what is the extent of state involvement, (2) what factors are associated with state involvement, and (3) what is the impact of state involvement? Our findings indicate (1) states have been active in developing and administering jail mandates, (2) state involvement is associated with state-level corrections policy, and (3) jail standards and inspections programs have a substantial impact on local jail performance. We conclude with a discussion of how state and local governments may proceed in the process of developing standards, inspections, and enforcement procedures.     

THE IMPACT OF STATE STANDARDS AND ENFORCEMENT PROCEDURES ON LOCAL JAIL PERFORMANCE

One of the recent trends in the field of criminal justice has been the development of state jail standards. The nature of local politics has meant that jails have been among the most poorly funded and operated governmental institutions. The result of decades of neglect is a fertile ground for inmate litigation. The interest shown by the courts, in a variety of operational and procedural areas, has been a key factor in leading many states to assume a greater role in local jail oversight. This article examines some of the problems facing jails and describes state efforts to address these problems through state-level jail standards and enforcement procedures.     

The integration of cooptation and coercion: China’s Taiwan strategy since 2001

In the past half-decade, China has developed a careful balance of cooptative and coercive power in its attempts to dampen the Taiwan independence movement and pursue political unification. In essence, attempts to curry favor with politically relevant constituencies on Taiwan have been paired with attempts to diplomatically isolate and militarily threaten the island's top policymakers. This balance is risky because of the possibility that it may appear too lenient to PRC nationalists, and too provocative to ROC residents. Nevertheless, the current structure of carrots and sticks has emerged for three reasons. First, the institutional coherence of Chinese decision-making and implementation has allowed for the viability of an adaptive, long-term approach. Second, the constraints on both unreinforced cooptation and coercive diplomacy have mediated toward a posture in which the former is enhanced and the latter downplayed. Third, expanded external opportunities in recent years have made it possible to exploit this middle ground.     

Back to the Future? Senior Federal Executives in the United States

Based on findings from the 1970s, research literature on senior government executives emphasized a growing integration of politics and administration. This integration was reflected in what we called the "Image IV" bureaucrat wherein political role traits combined with those of traditional bureaucratic ones. Although this was by no means a dominant trend, we were led to speculate that traditional divisions between political and bureaucratic roles were eroding. Data gathered from the 1980s and 1990s, however, lead us to infer that divisions between political and bureaucratic roles have reasserted themselves and that integration between them is being diminished rather than strengthened. We conclude that this may be because in an era of governmental austerity the demand for executive policy entrepreneurs has slackened while the political needs have shifted to those of managerial control over an inertial or even contracting state.