What price the court of St. James? Political influences on ambassadorial postings of the United States of America

This paper explores the appointment of career diplomats and political appointees to ambassadorial positions. We present models of the strategic interaction of political donors and presidential candidates, which predicts that donations will match the quality of diplomatic posting granted by the candidate. We test this prediction and confirm it for four presidential terms representing two presidents and 764 diplomatic postings over the 2000 to 2013 period. This allows for the generation of a price list associated with a range of desirable diplomatic posts. This paper provides evidence in support of the proposition that ambassadorships, in locations that are deemed desirable such as Western Europe, are awarded as a form of patronage in return for campaign contributions.     

The Kretschmann Effect: Personalisation and the March 2016 Länder Elections

This paper examines the influences of candidate perceptions on Germany’s spring 2016 Länder election results. It takes a comparative approach, using a modified Michigan model on the data collected simultaneously in three Länder (Baden-Württemberg, Rhineland-Palatinate, and Saxony-Anhalt). It explains why the Green party was successful in Baden-Württemberg but not in the other Länder, the impact of the major candidates, and what distinguishes the influences of the current prime ministers running for these elections. Whereas Winfried Kretschmann’s (Green party, Baden-Württemberg) high impact on the election results was driven mainly by a warmth dimension (sympathy), Malu Dreyer (SPD, Rhineland-Palatinate) was viewed as being competent. Both candidates were assets to their parties and co-responsible for the results. In comparison, in Saxony-Anhalt, none of the candidates were as important to the outcomes of the electoral success.     

‘Let's Talk Cash’: Cantons' Interests and the Reform of Swiss Federalism

In 2004 the Swiss people accepted a new equalization scheme and a new distribution of competences between the federal state and the cantons. It was argued that the reform was successful because of the capacity of veto-players to overcome their interests and adopt a ‘problem-solving’ interaction mode. We propose a different interpretation and argue that distributive issues and the accommodation of actors' interests crucially mattered. We identify three mechanisms that contribute to a successful reform, i.e. package-deals, side-payments and the downsizing of the reform. Our in-depth, mainly qualitative study of both the content of the reform and related decision-making process supports the pertinence of these strategies for the explanation of the successful reform of Swiss federalism.     

Weak Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights in China: integrating political,cultural and structural explanations

The discrepancy between de jure and de facto protection of intellectual property rights in China remains a heatedly debated topic. Unfortunately, political motivations have distorted the debate from its very beginning, which has not only resulted in a tendency for the different explanations to be played off against each other, but has also reinforced their specific flaws and biases. This study addresses these problems by advancing and integrating the three main explanatory frameworks for explaining the situation. The resulting integrated framework finds that structural factors such as bureaucratic fragmentation and political decentralization matter most in practical terms, but their durability cannot be understood without putting them into context. The findings also suggest that, contrary to most predictions, the future development of intellectual property protection in China might not follow the path laid down by other countries that have modernized in the past.     

Unabhaengige Regulierungsinstanzen als parallele Institutionen ‐ Die Auseinandersetzung um die Entbuendelungsverpflichtung auf der letzten Meile in der Schweizer Telekommunikationspolitik

Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Auswirkungen der Einsetzung unabhängiger Regulierungsinstanzen auf den politischen Entscheidungsprozess. Im Lichte der Literatur über institutionelle Redundanz interpretiert der Artikel dabei unabhängige Regulierungsinstanzen als Parallelinstitutionen zum traditionellen Gesetzgebungsprozess. Wenn sowohl eine unabhängige Regulatorin als auch die Institutionen des klassischen Gesetzgebungsprozess in einem Politikbereich entscheiden können, können Reformkreise einen der beiden Instanzenwege frei wählen und haben nach einer Niederlage noch einen zweite Chance in einem weiteren Verfahren. Die daraus entstehenden Interaktionen werden anhand des Konflikts um die letzte Meile in der Schweizer Telekommunikationspolitik mit einem einfachen spieltheoretischen Modell analysiert. Wie der Beitrag zeigt, bringt die Einführung paralleler Entscheidungsinstanzen Vorteile für Reformkreise, allerdings nur unter der Annahme, dass die beiden Instanzenwege unabhängig voneinander entscheiden. Andernfalls spielt die Reihenfolge der Anrufung einzelner Instanzen eine zentrale Rolle. Dabei haben jedoch wiederum die Reformkräfte einen Startvorteil: Sie können die Reihenfolge der anzurufenden Instanzenwege wählen und so die für sie erfolgsversprechendste Kombination wählen. Weiter zeigt der Beitrag auf der empirischen Ebene, dass die Kombination vieler paralleler Entscheidungsverfahren mit starken Vetopunkten innerhalb dieser Instanzenwege die Unsicherheit über den Verfahrensausgang über lange Zeit andauern lassen kann.     

Reform of forensic autopsy in the German Code of Criminal Procedure

The Federal Ministry of Justice has presented another proposal to rephrase the wording of Section 87 of the German Code of Criminal Procedure (StPO). The new version of Section 87 StPO is to be rejected as it would lead to a loss of institutional and professional standards. The bill is clearly influenced by a tendency towards privatisation for the benefit of a small group of specialists in forensic medicine mostly organised in limited liability companies and thus at the expense of institutes of legal medicine affiliated to universities or physicians working in the forensic service of regional courts. In the long run, this reform would not only jeopardize medicolegal research and teaching but also medical education and specialist medical training. For future severe negative consequences would have to be expected on the rule of law and legal certainty.