全文获取类型
收费全文 | 219篇 |
免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 12篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 12篇 |
外交国际关系 | 28篇 |
法律 | 114篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 57篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 11篇 |
2020年 | 6篇 |
2019年 | 6篇 |
2018年 | 9篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 31篇 |
2012年 | 16篇 |
2011年 | 16篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 11篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 12篇 |
2006年 | 11篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 5篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 2篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有226条查询结果,搜索用时 78 毫秒
61.
Development economists frequently emphasize the importance of good infrastructure for economic growth. Can governments attract private capital in infrastructural investments through policy reform? We address this question by showing that, in the case of electricity generation, a simple legislation enabling independent power production increases private investment in electricity generation by more than an order of magnitude. Contrary to the conventional wisdom on the importance of constraints on executive power for credible commitment, we find that such constraints neither draw private capital nor condition the effectiveness of policy reform. We also find that both domestic and foreign investment increase with IPP reform. Evidence for these claims comes from an instrumental variable analysis of power sector reforms and private electricity generation in all developing countries for the years 1982 to 2008. Simple and politically uncontroversial policies can generate positive results in developing countries. 相似文献
62.
Johannes Due Enstad 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(5):773-792
This article documents Anders Behring Breivik's reception on the Russian far Right, with a comparative view to Western Europe. On July 22, 2011, Breivik carried out two terrorist attacks in Norway, killing 77 people. Based on a variety of open sources, the article finds that Breivik has received much more open support in Russia than in Western Europe. I suggest there are three main reasons why Russia stands out. First, a weaker social stigma attached to Right-Wing extremism reduces the cost of publicly embracing Right-Wing terrorists. Second, higher levels of violence in Russian society increase desensitization and violence acceptance. Third, the embrace of Breivik fits into a vibrant tradition of iconizing Right-Wing militants on the Russian far Right. The article highlights Russia as a hotspot of Right-Wing extremist activism in Europe. It also provides insights that may prove useful in future comparative research on cross-national variation in Right-Wing violence and terrorism. 相似文献
63.
64.
65.
Johannes Münster 《Public Choice》2007,130(3-4):329-335
In an interesting recent paper, Dari-Mattiacci and Parisi (2005) extended Tullock's (1980) rent-seeking game with an entry decision. The mixed strategies identified by Dari-Mattiacci and Parisi for the case of increasing returns in the contest success function (r2) do not constitute an equilibrium of the game they study. However, these strategies are an equilibrium if the strategy space of the game is restricted by a minimum expenditure requirement, and this minimum expenditure requirement is an element of a specific interval. 相似文献
66.
67.
68.
Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt 《Third world quarterly》2017,38(8):1894-1908
The main argument of this contribution is that the distinction between internal and external is at best blurred and in reality does not make much sense in the case of India’s foreign policy. It may start and end at the border and be determined by negotiations, diplomacy or brute force but there is no conclusive evidence in the literature to decide what determines what. There are important dynamics and interplays across the thin line between the domestic and international spheres, especially in terms of understanding the reciprocal challenges related to how factors of culture and ethnicity relate with the legitimacy of the state. The aim of the paper is to serve four purposes. To unpack and give a critical overview of the debates concerned with the internal and external aspects of India’s foreign policy; to situate the literature dealing more specifically with domestic issues related to culture and ethnicity and outline the main approaches involved; to give an overview of how external factors impact foreign policy conduct and relate to India’s role in defining international norms and regulations; and, finally, to give some theoretical markers, suggestions and concluding remarks. 相似文献
69.
Johannes Saurer 《Natur und Recht》2018,40(9):581-587
70.