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Self-injurious behavior involving deliberate self-harm and suicide attempts by inmates while under custodial authority is a major problem for prisons and jails (prevalence, legal obligation for suicide prevention, and stress for officers). The differentiation of "serious" vs. "non-serious" and often manipulative suicide attempts as distinct phenomena, each with its own clinical features, is controversially discussed in current literature and a challenge for every diagnostician. If distinct clinical presentations and histories can be observed, an estimation of the seriousness of each act of self-injurious behavior can be simplified, whereby appropriate treatment of the individual case becomes possible. The aim of the study was to find differences between self-injurious behavior of "low seriousness" (i.e. low lethality and low suicidal intent) and of "high seriousness". Therefore, inmates showing self-injurious behavior were divided into subgroups of deliberate self-harm and suicide attempters on the basis of the act's intent and lethality. This was followed by a comparison of the clinical presentations of the individual inmates constituting the subgroups. Hence, 49 inmates showing self-injurious behavior were interviewed and tested with a variety of instruments (SCID-I and II, PCL-R, BDI-II, BHS, BSS, SIS, etc.), and their prison and health files were examined. The results indicate significant correlations between seriousness and some demographic, prison-related variables as well as different measures of depression. Negative, but nonsignificant correlations could be observed with regard to cluster B personality disorders. The PCL-R total score as well as PCL-R factor 1 showed a statistical trend for negative correlations with measures of seriousness. Inmates showing deliberate self-harm and suicide attempters seem to differ in a number of ways. Implications on how the individual prisoner should be treated are discussed. 相似文献
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Friedrich Plank Britta Daum Johannes Muntschick Michèle Knodt Christian Hasse Ingrid Ott Arne Niemann 《中东政策》2023,30(3):37-52
The war in Ukraine and the looming threat of climate change are driving the strategic need to diversify sources of energy, including renewables. Therefore, the European Union aims to develop energy relations with non-EU member states, and Morocco has become a key priority. Both Brussels and Rabat are pursuing ambitious green policies and cooperation initiatives, including on hydrogen. Drawing on theories of international institutions and political economy, this article analyzes hydrogen-related relationship patterns and explains demand and supply factors as drivers of institutionalized energy cooperation. We examine the EU's hydrogen approach and development, its relations with Morocco, and the political interests of both sides. Our analysis shows that the complex interdependencies in the evolving EU-Morocco hydrogen relations indicate that demand can be met by supply. However, challenges remain, including the need to deepen the partnership and prepare the market for commercial hydrogen production. 相似文献
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Johannes Bronkhorst 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2014,42(4):463-469
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We compare public perceptions of biobanks in China and in Europe, reporting similarities and differences in how publics in Europe and China view key issues in the realm of biobank research. Despite many differences in perception, the similarity in the perception of biobanks in China and in Europe is striking. Our research finds that Chinese with lower education levels are less concerned about privacy, while those with higher education levels have preferences in privacy protection that are similar to those in Europe. Transnational research is perceived positively in both regions, but specific historical experiences shape how people approach these issues. While Chinese publics focus on certain effects of international research on the Chinese state, Europeans are mainly concerned about data security and impacts on research. The study is based on 66 focus groups conducted in China (6) and Europe (60), with approximately 700 participants. 相似文献
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Johannes Minke Contreras 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(1):117-132
Latin American nations have, in varying degrees, struggled to form a foreign policy which successfully incorporates developmental issues. Through an institutional analysis, this article identifies the institutional frameworks within which a development-oriented foreign policy (DOFP) is more prone to emerge. It is argued that DOFP has not been able to be consolidated, as foreign policy has primarily remained a tool for regime survival. This is largely because of the institutional exclusiveness and presidentialism embedded in Latin American diplomacy – making foreign policy notoriously vulnerable to regime appropriation. By conducting a comparison between Ecuadorean and Chilean foreign policy, the article sheds light on the institutional components which have allowed the latter to successfully incorporate a development agenda and the former to stumble in its efforts. 相似文献
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