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911.
912.
Klaus-Gert Lutterbeck Armin Schäfer Andreas Heyer Christian Kaiser Helga Haftendorn Sandra Seubert Christian Bala Ralf J. Leiteritz Frank Dietrich Christian Brütt Christian Reisinger Alexander Warkotsch Mandana Biegi Burkhard Conrad Christian Stecker 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(2):327-363
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
913.
Michael J. Ensley 《Public Choice》2009,138(1-2):221-238
Individual citizens are the largest source of contributions for congressional candidates in the United States. This paper investigates if and how fundraising from this source is related to the ideological positions of candidates. Specifically, we ask whether the amount of contributions depends on: (1) the extremity of candidate ideology; and (2) the level of candidate divergence in the same race. These results have important implications for candidate positioning strategies, as well as for evaluating the effects of recent campaign finance reforms. 相似文献
914.
915.
We explore how two populations learn to cooperate with each other in the absence of institutional support. Individuals play iterated prisoner's dilemmas with the other population, but learn about successful strategies from their own population. Our agent-based evolutionary models reconfirm that cooperation can emerge rapidly as long as payoffs provide a selective advantage for nice, retaliatory strategies like tit-for-tat, although attainable levels of cooperation are limited by the persistence of nonretaliatory altruists. Learning processes that adopt the current best response strategy do well only when initial conditions are very favorable to cooperation, while more adaptive learning processes can achieve high levels of cooperation under a wider range of initial conditions. When combined with adaptive learning, populations having larger, better connected learning relationships outperform populations with smaller, less connected ones. Clustered relationships can also enhance cooperation, particularly in these smaller, less connected populations. 相似文献
916.
This article represents the effect of public opinion on government attention in the form of an error-correction model where public opinion and policymaking attention coexist in a long-run equilibrium state that is subject to short-run corrections. The coexistence of policy-opinion responsiveness and punctuations in political attention is attributed to differences in theoretical conceptions of negative and positive feedback, differences in the use of time series and distributional methods, and differences in empirical responsiveness of government to public attention relative to responsiveness to public preferences. This analysis considers time-series data for the United Kingdom over the period between 1960 and 2001 on the content of the executive and legislative agenda presented at the start of each parliamentary session in the Queen's Speech coded according to the policy content framework of the U.S. Policy Agendas Project and a reconstituted public opinion dataset on Gallup's "most important problem" question. The results show short-run responsiveness of government attention to public opinion for macroeconomics, health, and labor and employment topics and long-run responsiveness for macroeconomics, health, labor and employment, education, law and order, housing, and defense . 相似文献
917.
A positive, statistical and economic significant relation between growth, income level and the Economic Freedom of the World (EFW) index has been amply documented. Most analyses, however, use OLS methods which, in the presence of endogenous variables do not establish causality and produce biased and inconsistent estimates. This paper uncovers the exogenous component of EFW using IV methods and finds a robust channel from economic freedom to prosperity. The findings, including instrument validity tests, support the importance of policies and institutions for development and warrants policy advice aimed at increasing economic freedom to foster prosperity. 相似文献
918.
In this paper, we examine whether the impact of negative advertising on citizens’ evaluations of candidates depends on the
gender of the candidates. Given common gender stereotypes, we expect negative campaigning aimed at women candidates will affect
citizens differently than negative campaigning against male candidates. The results of our study, derived from a survey experiment
conducted on a nationwide sample of more than 700 citizens, demonstrate that negative commercials are less effective at depressing
evaluations of woman candidates, compared to male candidates. The findings are consistent and strong, across a range of forces
that people use to assess competing candidates (i.e., affect and trait evaluations, people’s beliefs about issues, anticipated
vote choice). The tight control of the experimental design, including randomization of respondents into different conditions
that vary in only one way, demonstrates that the gender of the candidate influences people’s reactions to different types
of negative commercials.
相似文献
Patrick J. KenneyEmail: |
919.
From 9/11 in the U.S. to train, subway, and airport bombings elsewhere, individuals frequently must make political decisions
in the shadow of terrorist attacks. To date, few studies have examined how times of terror threat influence voters’ decision-making
processes. Using data generated from three experiments we show that, in times of terrorist threat (compared to good times),
individuals weight leadership more heavily in the voting booth. Our results also shed light on how much weight is given to
other determinants of the vote (issues and partisanship) across these two conditions. 相似文献
920.
Critics of consociational power-sharing institutional arrangements in deeply divided societies argue that such arrangements solidify the underlying conflict cleavage and render it all-important for party competition and voter behaviour. I find evidence to the contrary in the case of voter behaviour at the historic 2007 Assembly election in Northern Ireland. At least in the unionist bloc, I find the effective disappearance of the ethno-national conflict cleavage as a determinant of voter choice. This suggests that consociational arrangements have led to both inclusion and moderation, rather than polarisation and ‘ethnic outbidding’. 相似文献