全文获取类型
收费全文 | 20570篇 |
免费 | 338篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1067篇 |
工人农民 | 1447篇 |
世界政治 | 1206篇 |
外交国际关系 | 901篇 |
法律 | 11158篇 |
中国政治 | 72篇 |
政治理论 | 4934篇 |
综合类 | 123篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 145篇 |
2019年 | 185篇 |
2018年 | 1474篇 |
2017年 | 1452篇 |
2016年 | 1280篇 |
2015年 | 270篇 |
2014年 | 291篇 |
2013年 | 1679篇 |
2012年 | 452篇 |
2011年 | 1189篇 |
2010年 | 1247篇 |
2009年 | 834篇 |
2008年 | 1062篇 |
2007年 | 1092篇 |
2006年 | 370篇 |
2005年 | 378篇 |
2004年 | 491篇 |
2003年 | 476篇 |
2002年 | 332篇 |
2001年 | 375篇 |
2000年 | 342篇 |
1999年 | 311篇 |
1998年 | 225篇 |
1997年 | 179篇 |
1996年 | 187篇 |
1995年 | 164篇 |
1994年 | 165篇 |
1993年 | 148篇 |
1992年 | 191篇 |
1991年 | 242篇 |
1990年 | 228篇 |
1989年 | 208篇 |
1988年 | 223篇 |
1987年 | 248篇 |
1986年 | 243篇 |
1985年 | 198篇 |
1984年 | 206篇 |
1983年 | 193篇 |
1982年 | 150篇 |
1981年 | 136篇 |
1980年 | 113篇 |
1979年 | 168篇 |
1978年 | 135篇 |
1977年 | 121篇 |
1976年 | 78篇 |
1975年 | 102篇 |
1974年 | 111篇 |
1973年 | 110篇 |
1972年 | 76篇 |
1971年 | 64篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
121.
Social scientists have theorized about the cycle of domestic violence in family abuse. Little research has addressed dating violence as a consequence to the experience of domestic violence by children. This article deals with the self-reported experience of dating violence by high school students from abusive and nonabusive households. A survey was conducted of 1,353 students in a rural area of North Dakota. Results indicated that students from abusive households showed significantly higher incidence of dating violence than those from homes where no abuse was evident. However, less than one in five of the students from abusive home reported dating violence, providing little support for the cycle of violence hypothesis. Students from abusive homes viewed violence as negatively as students from nonabusive homes. Thus, while there are significant differences between the two groups, there are also important similarities. Although there is apparently a greater risk of dating violence among students who have experienced violence at home, these data do not support the idea of an inescapable pattern of violence among adolescents who have experienced violence themselves. 相似文献
122.
Policy analysis for the Congress is a timely subject. Several policy initiatives have emerged recently from the “first branch.” Others have demonstrated an independent capacity for analysis that is impressive by historical standards. This article introduces a practitioner symposium of three related works on policy analysis for Congress, with appropriate commentary by a distinguished veteran. It argues that because timing is crucial in the congressional policy process, anticipation and advance preparation are central to the effective use of analysis. The other articles illustrate the stages of advance preparation—of the policy analyst, the congressional environment, and the Member for voting—in the form of case studies. 相似文献
123.
Back to the future of ‘one logic or two’?: forward to the past of ‘anarchy versus racist hierarchy’?
John M Hobson 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2007,20(4):581-597
This article argues that while the attempt by Alex Callinicos to construct a non-reductionist approach for theorizing the international is brave, it falls short of the target due, in part, to the failure to look in the right place for a non-reductionist Marxism. In taking us ‘back to the future’ of the debate on ‘one logic or two?’ (‘economics’ or ‘geopolitics and economics’), the quest can at best result only in the construction of a thin materialist reductionism. This article develops an approach that takes norms and (racist) identity seriously—one that simultaneously reconfigures our conception of the international as a hierarchy rather than as a pure anarchy, thereby prompting a reconsideration of Callinicos's commitment to a neorealist anarchic conception of the international. This article closes by suggesting that the Eurocentrism of much Marxist International Relations scholarship obscures the role of non-Western resistance in the making of global politics. 相似文献
124.
Ministerialrat a. D. Prof. Dr. Ernst-Rainer Hönes 《Natur und Recht》2005,27(5):279-285
Der Begriff der Landeskultur umfasst alle Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der land- und forstwirtschaftlichen Nutzung des Bodens einschließlich der Erhaltung der Kulturlandschaft. Landeskultur ist somit alles Planen und Handeln mit dem Ziel, die Umwelt als gegebenes Naturraumpotential, insbesondere Wasser, Boden, Luft und die dazugehörigen Natur-, Kultur- und Sachgüter optimal zu erhalten, gestalten und rationell zu nutzen sowie dieses Potential mit bestmöglicher Qualität als natürliche und kulturelle Lebensgrundlage für die Allgemeinheit nachhaltig zu sichern. Landeskultur dient somit auch der Belebung und Werterhöhung der gebauten und gepflanzten Umwelt. Dies schließt auch und gerade die kulturelle Seite einschließlich Kulturlandschaften mit ein. Dabei ist es bis zur Überprüfung durch das BVerfG noch hinnehmbar, dass der Begriff „Landeskultur“ in Art. 89 Abs. 3 GG wegen der Mischkompetenz von Bund und Land vom BVerwG enger ausgelegt wird als in anderen Rechtsvorschriften. 相似文献
125.
Gerd Langguth 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(1):25-42
With Asia's economy still booming in the second half of the 1990's “Asian values” were announced by some politicians (Lee
Kuan Yew, Mahatir, Ishihara, Mahbubani etc.) and contrasted with “Western values”. Soon a controversial debate within Asia
ensued (Kim, Fidel Ramos ea..), into which also the western democracies joined. The “West” however reacted rather defensively
to the new assertiveness of some Asian statesmen, inspite of the fact that the authors of this debate put into question the
western dominance in global value setting which has been in existence since the French revolution. But has this debate withstood
the test of time, the challenges posed by the recession in Asia and by the ever increasing globalization? Hardly. The crisis
has destroyed the notion that “Asian values” had been the main cause and guarantor of Asia's exorbitant growth rates.
While in the West Christianity forms the essential basics of culture, in Asia there is a multitude of coexisting - and frequently
confronting world religions. There is no other continent which in cultural and political terms is so contradictory and potentially
conflict ridden like Asia. “Asianism” as a concept was surely also intended as an instrument to integrate multiethnic Asian
societies with weak internal cohesion. At the same time it served to neutralize the human rights issue.
In the meantime the debate has become quieter and more dispassionate. In the developed West the notion gained acceptance to
abandon “Eurocentrism”. At the same time there is recognition that “Asian values” are not exclusive. Also in Europe the family
plays a special role. A debate on values is needed for societal integration – also in the “West” which should become more
aware of the need to reassert the origins of its own spiritual foundations. Following September 11th the west is well advised
to continue the dialogue on values with Asia.
Update and expanded version of an article first published in: Au?enpolitik IV/1996, p. 326 “Beginnt das pazifische Jahrhundert?”
I would like to thank Julia Prati for the translation of the updated and expanded version of this article 相似文献
126.
127.
128.
This article examines the question of trust in Bosnia and Herzegovina with a special focus on the role of ethnicity. We find generalised trust to be low and declining in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Moreover, generalised trust is negatively affected by the degree of ethnic heterogeneity in the region. However, a further examination of trust reveals a more complex relationship between ethnicity and trust: people tend to show low levels of trust in all other people irrespective of their ethnic belongings. We argue that ethnic distribution might capture some other regional specific characteristics that also affect the level of trust. 相似文献
129.
U.S. Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall offered his opinion regarding the utility of public opinion polls as a tool for assessing the “evolving standards of decency” regarding capital punishment. His arguments became known as the Marshall hypotheses and spawned a considerable body of empirical testing. The three Marshall hypotheses are: (1) support for capital punishment is inversely associated with knowledge about it, (2) exposure to information about capital punishment produces sentiments in opposition to capital punishment, but (3) exposure to information about capital punishment will have no impact on those who support it for retributive reasons. The results of previous tests of these hypotheses were somewhat mixed but supportive. None of these studies, however, examined the effects of change in knowledge levels with changes, if any, in death penalty attitudes and beliefs as needed for a more complete test of the Marshall hypotheses. The present study addressed this shortcoming. The results provided mixed support for these three hypotheses. That is, death penalty supporters were somewhat less informed than death penalty opponents; exposure to death penalty information and knowledge gains tended to be associated with attitudinal change in a directions suggested by these hypotheses; but, retributivists' attitudes toward and beliefs about capital punishment were not any more resistant to change than were the attitudes and beliefs of non-retributivists. 相似文献
130.
Stephen Kershnar 《Law and Philosophy》2007,26(5):437-463
In two recent cases, Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306. (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244. (2003), the Supreme
Court held that the Equal Protection Clause permitted state schools to use race-sensitive admissions in order to obtain the
educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body. The diversity-based argument for race-sensitive admissions, scholarships,
awards, and other opportunities at universities should have been rejected because it does not consider the full range of costs
and benefits and because the more narrow educational effects probably weigh against such programs. However, this does not
suggest that applicants’ race, ethnicity, and gender should be ignored. Rather the same consideration that led to the defeat
of the diversity argument, i.e., reasoning capacity, supports the consideration of demographic factors. However, attention
to such factors further undermines the consequentialist case for affirmative action. 相似文献