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971.
Juan Wang 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2007,12(3):219-236
Based upon a county level analysis, this article explores the complex processes of poverty mis-targeting in China and supplements
the pre-existing literature with a bottom-up analysis. It argues that the rational calculations of key county leaders, shaped
by a combination of formal and informal institutions, determine whether a county, irrespective of poverty level, competes
for the title of “state-designated poorest county (SDPC).” This article also demonstrates that the interaction between formal
and informal institutions is dynamic and subject to change. For future relevant research, this article suggests to analyze
the practice of poverty reduction in a disaggregated manner by examining the interplay within and among different levels of
government.
Juan Wang, a Ph.D candidate in political science at Johns Hopkins University, is the author of “Going beyond Township and
Village Enterprises,” Journal of Contemporary China, Issue 14, Volume 42, (February 2005), pp.171–181. The author is particularly grateful to Kellee Tsai for her valuable suggestions
and support throughout this project. I am indebted to William Rowe, Mark Blyth, Wang Sangui and anonymous reviewers for their
insightful comments. The Institute of Global Studies (IGS) of Johns Hopkins University receives my gratitude for its financial
support of this project. 相似文献
972.
Benjamin K. Sovacool 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(2):101-122
The American electric utility industry is entering a moment of transition. Once viewed as a stable and secure consortium of
publicly regulated monopolies that produce and distribute electricity, the industry has weathered market restructuring only
to face the ever-present risk of natural disasters, price fluctuations, terrorist attacks, and blackouts. This paper uses
five criteria—technical feasibility, cost, negative externalities, reliability, and security—to evaluate the broad portfolio
of energy technologies available to American electricity policymakers. Upon close inspection, energy efficiency practices,
renewable energy systems, and small-scale distributed generation technologies appear to offer many advantages over large and
centralized nuclear and fossil fueled generators. Contrary to the mimetic commentary produced by the media, these three approaches
would present policymakers a superior alternative for curbing electricity demand, minimizing the risk of fuel interruptions
and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network, and reducing environmental harm 相似文献
973.
Alan S. Zuckerman 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2007,48(4):633-649
The Social Logic of Politics places social learning at the center of political choice. People develop their political preferences,
knowledge, values, perceptions of ability, and decisions about political behavior in interactions with others, usually members
of their social circles. Political attitudes and goals are not derivatives of exogenous economic preferences. They are not
the results of careful calculations, in which optimization of personal needs guides the mode of reasoning. This theoretical
stance draws sustenance from recent work across the social science, even as it harkens back to established, if neglected principles
of political analysis.
My thanks to Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck for his encouragement and for the critical comments of several anonymous referees and to
Josip Dasović and Jennifer Fitzgerald, my co-authors of Partisan Families: the Social Logic of Bounded Partisanship in Germany
and Britain (Zuckerman et al. 2007). Material from that book appears in this essay. 相似文献
974.
975.
976.
977.
Harold J. Bershady 《Society》2007,44(5):70-76
Detective stories take place mainly in two settings, constantly changing, many faceted big cities filled with strangers, and
stable, fairly homogeneous, innocent small towns whose members know one another. The differences in each clarify the qualities
of the other. In solving the mystery of the small town, the detective provides moral instruction and restores the town’s innocence.
In solving the mystery in the big city the detective reveals the city as part of the mystery and provides the reader with
temporary orientation to the city. Mysteries have grown with the growth of the cities and now appear in every country of the
world.
Harold J. Bershady is an emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Pennsylvania. His most recent book, edited with
Renée Fox and Victor Lidz, is After Parson: A Theory of Action for the 21st Century, published by Russell Sage Press, 2005. 相似文献
978.
Identity Salience, Identity Acceptance, and Racial Policy Attitudes: American National Identity as a Uniting Force 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
John E. Transue 《American journal of political science》2007,51(1):78-91
Political science has paid a great deal of attention to sources of intergroup conflict, but the discipline has focused less on forces that bring people together and lead them to transcend group boundaries. This study presents evidence that attachment to a shared superordinate identity can improve intergroup relations by reducing the social distance between people of different racial groups. Using a survey experiment, this research shows that making a superordinate identity salient increased support for a tax increase. The effects of the identity salience treatment are compared to a policy particularism treatment in terms of effect size and their interaction with each other. The size and direction of the identity salience effect is affected by the degree of respondents' acceptance of the proffered identity. Implications for social identity theory, racial policy attitudes, and American national identity are discussed. 相似文献
979.
John M. Carey 《American journal of political science》2007,51(1):92-107
Almost all legislators are subordinate to party leadership within their assemblies. Institutional factors shape whether, and to what degree, legislators are also subject to pressure from other principals whose demands may conflict with those of party leaders. This article presents a set of hypotheses on the nature of competing pressures driven by formal political institutions and tests the hypotheses against a new dataset of legislative votes from across 19 different countries. Voting unity is lower where legislators are elected under rules that provide for intraparty competition than where party lists are closed, marginally lower in federal than unitary systems, and the effects on party unity of being in government differ in parliamentary versus presidential systems. In the former, governing parties are more unified than the opposition, win more, and suffer fewer losses due to disunity. In systems with elected presidents, governing parties experience no such boosts in floor unity, and their legislative losses are more apt to result from cross-voting. 相似文献
980.
Matthew R. Cleary 《American journal of political science》2007,51(2):283-299
In this article I test two competing visions about how democracy produces responsive government. Electoral theories of democracy posit that elected governments are responsive to public demands because citizens are able to sanction bad politicians and select good ones. Participatory theories attribute responsiveness to a citizenry's ability to articulate demands and pressure government through a wider range of political action. I test hypotheses derived from these two approaches, using an original dataset that combines electoral, socioeconomic, and public-financial indicators for Mexico's 2,400 municipalities, from 1989 to 2000. The data show that electoral competition has no effect on municipal government performance. But the results are consistent with the hypothesis that nonelectoral participation causes improved performance. Thus, I suggest that the quality of municipal government in Mexico depends on an engaged citizenry and cooperation between political leaders and their constituents, rather than the threat of electoral punishment. I recommend that scholars broaden the study of government responsiveness to account for participatory strategies of political influence and critically assess the claims of those who would promote elections as a cure-all for poor democratic performance. 相似文献