首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   19213篇
  免费   399篇
各国政治   863篇
工人农民   1411篇
世界政治   1171篇
外交国际关系   888篇
法律   10397篇
中国政治   65篇
政治理论   4715篇
综合类   102篇
  2023年   66篇
  2021年   51篇
  2020年   145篇
  2019年   200篇
  2018年   1496篇
  2017年   1444篇
  2016年   1288篇
  2015年   270篇
  2014年   285篇
  2013年   1518篇
  2012年   462篇
  2011年   1201篇
  2010年   1226篇
  2009年   841篇
  2008年   1041篇
  2007年   1067篇
  2006年   355篇
  2005年   342篇
  2004年   476篇
  2003年   466篇
  2002年   309篇
  2001年   322篇
  2000年   343篇
  1999年   252篇
  1998年   203篇
  1997年   176篇
  1996年   187篇
  1995年   162篇
  1994年   160篇
  1993年   143篇
  1992年   202篇
  1991年   208篇
  1990年   219篇
  1989年   197篇
  1988年   217篇
  1987年   214篇
  1986年   192篇
  1985年   170篇
  1984年   161篇
  1983年   156篇
  1982年   132篇
  1981年   99篇
  1980年   95篇
  1979年   102篇
  1978年   86篇
  1977年   77篇
  1976年   58篇
  1975年   53篇
  1974年   68篇
  1973年   63篇
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
911.
From 9/11 in the U.S. to train, subway, and airport bombings elsewhere, individuals frequently must make political decisions in the shadow of terrorist attacks. To date, few studies have examined how times of terror threat influence voters’ decision-making processes. Using data generated from three experiments we show that, in times of terrorist threat (compared to good times), individuals weight leadership more heavily in the voting booth. Our results also shed light on how much weight is given to other determinants of the vote (issues and partisanship) across these two conditions.  相似文献   
912.
Does public policy respond to public opinion? Previous research suggests dynamic representation occurs in the aggregate. Yet, most of the evidence for policy response is limited to the policy intentions of elected officials on issues related to more or less government spending. We examine policy response to an alternative dimension of public mood, public preferences for more or less punitive criminal justice policies, using multiple indicators of policy from various stages of the policy-making process. Criminal justice policy should be responsive to public preferences given the public’s concern about crime and the negative social construction of criminals. Thus, there is an electoral incentive for public officials to respond to public preferences along this alternative dimension of public sentiment regarding criminal justice policy. We estimate a DYMIMIC model of federal criminal justice policy as a function of the multiple dimensions of public policy mood using Kalman filtering. The results indicate that criminal justice policy responds to the second, not the first, dimension of public mood. We find evidence that policy-makers at multiple stages of the policy process are able to differentiate among multiple signals from the public and respond appropriately. The results present a more sophisticated portrait of democratic responsiveness.  相似文献   
913.
Critics of consociational power-sharing institutional arrangements in deeply divided societies argue that such arrangements solidify the underlying conflict cleavage and render it all-important for party competition and voter behaviour. I find evidence to the contrary in the case of voter behaviour at the historic 2007 Assembly election in Northern Ireland. At least in the unionist bloc, I find the effective disappearance of the ethno-national conflict cleavage as a determinant of voter choice. This suggests that consociational arrangements have led to both inclusion and moderation, rather than polarisation and ‘ethnic outbidding’.  相似文献   
914.
Changes in immigration laws over the last three to four decades have given rise to unprecedented numbers of undocumented children. However, as others have argued, policies regarding the control of undocumented migration have had deleterious effects on undocumented children and their basic access to social rights. Undocumented youth in the United States can legally attend K-12 education, but cannot legally work, vote, receive financial aid, or drive in most states. Their situation calls for a reexamination of immigration laws and a recasting of the frame that has been used to promote their inclusion.
Roberto G. GonzalesEmail:

R. G. Gonzales   is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood.  相似文献   
915.
916.
Russell Jacoby 《Society》2009,46(1):38-44
Over twenty years ago my book The Last Intellectuals put into circulation the phrase “public intellectual.” The term unexpectedly enjoyed great success. It encapsulated a new division between a professional or academic intellectual focused on his or her specialty and an intellectual orientated to a larger public. The former tend to disappear into the university, while they latter write for the educated public. In the twenty years since its publication, my book has been sharply challenged. Moreover the emergence of African-American and women intellectuals, and well as new developments such as Internet, have possibly undermined my thesis. Yet these phenomena amount to revisions, not refutations, of my thesis. Moreover the role of intellectuals in France and Germany suggest that the same process of academization is taking place in other advanced industrial nations. What is called for is not nostalgia or its opposite, a celebration of everything that happens, but a consideration of the real shifts that affect the lives and work of intellectuals.
Russell JacobyEmail:
  相似文献   
917.
918.
919.
In contemporary Russia and Ukraine, Pentecostalism carries with it commitments to civic engagement and democracy, strong bonds of social capital, and the embracing of an entrepreneurial spirit. In this article, the authors analyze the origins of Pentecostalism in Russia, Soviet methods of repression, and Pentecostal survival strategies. Continuing, the authors examine the political efficacy of Pentecostals, their civic commitments, their embracing of the free market, and the strength and nature of social capital among them. While the authors conclude that it is too soon to conclude that Pentecostalism will bring about democracy, civil society, and free markets in Russia and Ukraine, they argue that Pentecostalism is proving itself a popular choice in the contemporary religious marketplace and that choice is not without significant civic, economic, and political consequences.  相似文献   
920.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号