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221.
Identifying Critical Points of Trajectories of Depressive Symptoms from Childhood to Young Adulthood
Kwong Alex S. F. Manley David Timpson Nicholas J. Pearson Rebecca M. Heron Jon Sallis Hannah Stergiakouli Evie Davis Oliver S. P. Leckie George 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(4):815-827
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Depression is a common mental illness and research has focused on late childhood and adolescence in an attempt to prevent or reduce later psychopathology and/or... 相似文献
222.
Jon Rahbek-Clemmensen 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):100-115
Even though France is an active player on the world stage, its foreign and security think tank milieu is smaller than that of similar powers, most notably the United Kingdom. Comparing French think tanks with those in Denmark illustrates how French institutional structures constrain think tank activities. France’s political tradition of centralisation, its non-academic civil service education, and separation of academia and administration create an environment in which think tanks are underfunded and walk a fine line between an over-controlling administration and a suspicious academia. Some French think tanks perform well in spite of these structures, which indicates that they could flourish and compete at the highest international level if given better structural conditions. 相似文献
223.
David Waldner Brenton Peterson Jon Shoup 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2017,52(3):327-348
The theory of urban bias was a major contribution to the evolution of contemporary theories of political economy that remains highly relevant today. Yet theorists of urban bias have still not produced a general explanation that accounts for anomalous cases of what we call “rural incorporation,” or coalition strategies based on modest rural producers. These anomalous cases suggest that the collective action underpinnings of urban bias theory underdetermine outcomes. This paper advances a new explanation of the anomalous African cases of Kenya, Côte d’Ivoire, and Zimbabwe. After detailing the costs of rural incorporation, we theorize the conditions that would motivate state elites to overcome their pro-urban biases and offer substantial material benefits to non-elite agrarian producers. Rural incorporation is an optimal strategy only when state elites are locked in unusually intense conflict with their rivals. Most nationalist movements in Africa did not meet this condition and their leaders followed pro-urban policies. The three outliers are all cases of settler colonialism: bitter rivalry between European settlers and native planters created the conditions for rural incorporation. We show how native planters and their political allies selected rural incorporation as a political-economic instrument of commercial competition and political supremacy. Case studies of Ghana and Nigeria demonstrate that in the absence of political and economic rivalry with settlers, African leaders selected the “default” strategy of urban bias. 相似文献
224.
James Adams Erik Engstrom Danielle Joeston Walt Stone Jon Rogowski Boris Shor 《Political Behavior》2017,39(1):205-227
Models of voting behavior typically specify that all voters employ identical criteria to evaluate candidates. We argue that moderate voters weigh candidates’ policy/ideological positions far less than non-moderate voters, and we report analyses of survey data from the 2010 Cooperative Congressional Election Study that substantiate these arguments. Across a wide range of models and measurement strategies, we find consistent evidence that liberal and conservative voters are substantially more responsive to candidate ideology than more centrist voters. Simply put, moderate voters appear qualitatively different from liberals and conservatives, a finding that has important implications for candidate strategies and for political representation. 相似文献
225.
Abstract Utilizing a rational‐actor policymaker model, this paper presents the necessary and sufficient conditions that must be satisfied for the formation of a transnational antiterrorist institution. Such an institution would tie together nations in their struggle against international terrorism. In particular, these institutions could provide crisis management, preemptive strikes, and retaliatory strikes. After analyzing the obstacles to the formation of such institutions, we present a specific proposal for a transnational commando unit. We chose the parameters of the proposed institution so as to maximize the likelihood of initial formation. In addition, we discuss how the transnational commando unit could, if properly designed, surmount the obstacles to formation. As terrorist groups increase their cooperation and stage incidents of a transnational kind, nations will have to turn to such institutions to increase the effectiveness of commando units, eliminate safe havens, and share intelligence. Although our proposal is more modest than those often put forth, once formed, our institution could evolve over time. 相似文献
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Jon A. Shields 《Society》2009,46(3):224-226
Conservative, and particularly religious opponents of enhancement technologies and of prolonging life indefinitely face formidable
challenges from policymakers who are largely liberated from any forms of Christian moral consensus. This is the predicament
of Daniel Callahan and others who are unable to translate their inescapably religious objections in secular terms.
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Jon A. ShieldsEmail: |
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