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Jørgen Grønnegård Christensen 《Scandinavian political studies》1981,4(3):191-208
This article explores the extent to which Danish membership of the European communities has blurred the traditional distinction between international and domestic politics. Based on data concerning the pattern of representation of Danish ministries at EC negotiations, the article finds a strong decentralization of negotiation competences among ministries and a spread of negotiation responsibilities across hierarchical levels, types of organization, and types of civil servants. The conclusion is that this blurring tends to maximize the influence of domestic interests and that it accounts for much of the immobility of EC decision-making. 相似文献
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Jon D. Elhai Steven N. Gold Luis F. Mateus Tamara A. Astaphan 《Journal of family violence》2001,16(1):47-57
This paper investigated elevations on Scale 8 of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory-2 (MMPI-2) in women survivors of childhood sexual abuse (CSA) in order to assess whether symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, or dissociation account for such elevations. Participants were 73 women seeking outpatient treatment for CSA after-effects at a university-based community mental health center. A stepwise multiple regression analysis was conducted, including measures of commonly reported symptoms in CSA survivors: depression, posttraumatic stress, and dissociation. Regression analyses revealed that the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) and Dissociative Experiences Scale (DES) accounted for the most variance in Scale 8 scores (59%), with the BDI as the best predictor. The Impact of Event Scale (IES) did not predict Scale 8 scores significantly above that achieved by the model above. Cross-validation results indicated good generalizability. Results suggest that depression and dissociation contribute most to scores on Scale 8. Implications of these findings for the clinical and empirical use of the MMPI-2 with CSA survivors are discussed. 相似文献
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The federal prison disciplinary records of federal capital inmates (n=145) who were sentenced to life without possibility of release (LWOP) by plea bargain, pre-sentencing withdrawal of the death penalty, or jury determination were retrospectively reviewed (M=6.17 years post-admission). Disaggregated prevalence rates were inversely related to infraction severity: serious infraction =0.324, assaultive infraction =0.207, serious assault =0.09, assault with moderate injury =0.007, assault with major injuries or death =0.00. Frequency rates of misconduct were equivalent to other high-security federal inmates (n=18,561), regardless of infraction severity. Government assertions of "future dangerousness" as a nonstatutory aggravating factor were not predictive of prison misconduct. These findings inform federal capital risk assessments and have public policy implications for procedural reliability in death penalty prosecutions. 相似文献
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Few political institutions are as central to theories of lawmaking as the executive veto. Despite its importance, institutional continuity at the national level has precluded identification of empirical effects of the veto on legislative behavior. We address this limitation and present evidence from the states demonstrating how the veto affects the formation of legislative coalitions and, indirectly, executive influence over policymaking. We find consistent evidence that the presence and strength of gubernatorial veto powers affect the lawmaking behavior of state legislatures. Our analysis shows how institutional provisions condition executives' ability to affect policy outcomes in separation‐of‐powers systems. 相似文献
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It is difficult to govern when citizens are unsupportive of the political system. This problem is relevant for municipalities formed through municipal mergers since new political entities need to build political trust. Democratic innovations provide possible solutions to increase citizens’ confidence, but it is unclear whether distrusting citizens demand these opportunities for involvement. This study examines the link between political trust and support for democratic innovations in Southwest Finland with a survey of 2000 respondents in 14 municipalities. The results suggest that distrusting citizens are less supportive of democratic innovations; hence it is unlikely that they increase political trust. 相似文献
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