全文获取类型
收费全文 | 487篇 |
免费 | 31篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 15篇 |
世界政治 | 38篇 |
外交国际关系 | 30篇 |
法律 | 216篇 |
中国政治 | 16篇 |
政治理论 | 166篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 4篇 |
2022年 | 5篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 18篇 |
2019年 | 12篇 |
2018年 | 21篇 |
2017年 | 29篇 |
2016年 | 23篇 |
2015年 | 12篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 67篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 13篇 |
2010年 | 20篇 |
2009年 | 18篇 |
2008年 | 17篇 |
2007年 | 20篇 |
2006年 | 16篇 |
2005年 | 15篇 |
2004年 | 16篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 15篇 |
2001年 | 13篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 8篇 |
1997年 | 6篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 5篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 9篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 5篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有518条查询结果,搜索用时 984 毫秒
441.
442.
443.
Nina Caspersen Eric Gordy Jon Tonge Francesco Cavatorta Sarah A. Radcliffe Meredith Weiss 《Democratization》2013,20(2):121-141
This article addresses the concern that democratization may contribute to the reproduction of neo-patrimonialism, rather than to counteract it. The article reports the result of a survey among members of parliament in Ghana regarding their election campaigns. Total spending, sources of funds, and their usage are analysed in the context of the consolidation of liberal democracy. The survey results are supplemented with data collected in 34 interviews with MPs. The data show that MPs are involved in patron-client relationships to a significant degree to reproduce their political power. Furthermore, the prevalence of patronage politics among MPs in Ghana has increased throughout the period of democratic rule. This persistent pattern of patronage politics threatens the very heart of democratic consolidation. Vertical accountability and legitimacy is threatened by alternative pacts of loyalty, expectations of corruption, and tendencies to delegative mandates. Horizontal accountability risks pervasion by 'big man' interventions, and by insufficient allocation of time to monitoring the government and legislative activities. 相似文献
444.
Abstract The aim of the study was to investigate the relative importance of psychological, criminological, and substance abuse variables in differentiating between alleged false confessors and other prison inmates. The participants were 509 inmates newly admitted to all Icelandic prisons over a four-year period. Sixty-two (12%) of the inmates claimed to have made a false confession to the police sometime in the past. A discriminant function analysis was used to identify the variables that best discriminated between the alleged false confessors and the other prison inmates. Out of 17 psychological variables and 16 criminological and substance abuse variables, two variables (number of previous imprisonments and the score on the Gough Socialisation Scale) correctly classified 93% of the non-false confessors and 32.3% of the alleged false confessors, with a total classification rate of 82.7%. The findings suggest that among Icelandic prison inmates, antisocial personality characteristics and the extent and severity of criminal behaviour, as judged by number of previous imprisonments, are the best predictors of offenders claiming to have made a false confession to the police. The implication is that among some prison inmates, making a false confession is a part of their criminal life style. 相似文献
445.
Steinar Andresen Kristin Rosendal Jon Birger Skjærseth 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2013,13(4):425-440
The purpose of this paper is to explain how and why consensus was reached on a legally binding approach given the opposition of powerful actors. Why did the United States and key emerging economies change their positions? We apply tools from the regime formation literature—classical perspectives on power, interests and knowledge—and the use of different leadership tools to shed light on the issue. Knowledge-based intellectual leadership was exercised by the UNEP Secretariat, providing new information on the seriousness and scope of the problem. Power-based leadership through unilateral action was provided by the United States. When the United States changed position after change in domestic leadership, political costs increased for other opponents. Finally, interest-based instrumental leadership was provided by many proponents, with UNEP and among others the EU in the lead. Still, conflicts remain on control measures and the form of financial mechanism. 相似文献
446.
Jon Jonakin 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(8):1284-1306
The negative impacts of orthodox liberalisation policies on labour in Venezuela and Mexico were representative of outcomes elsewhere in Latin America. Untheorised increases in precarious informal work, unemployment, and emigration as well as a growing breech between wages and productivity followed trade, capital, and labour market reforms and the prescribed macro stabilisation policies. Orthodox reforms in both countries paradoxically facilitated market failures given the forms or modes taken by foreign direct investment (FDI), which introduced ever more increasing scale economies with their attendant information imperfections. In addition, the growing competition from tradeable goods faced by domestic producers in both countries and the decision to buy rather than make technologies by way of FDI undermined job creation and induced inter-sectoral flows toward service sector and informal work. 相似文献
447.
Most developed countries continue to experience problems with malfeasance and corruption, making accountability a fundamental concern of the public government. Still, the mechanisms which ensure accountability are not given. This article explores two different and apparently conflicting principles of accountability in public organizations: “Professionalism” based on values and internalized incentive structures and “Managerialism” based on externalized incentives and hierarchy. The empirical analysis is based on a comparative survey among local government leaders in Sweden and Norway. The analysis shows that both professionalism and managerialism are regarded as important means for accountability and tend to be understood as complementary more than competing principles. 相似文献
448.
449.
An extraordinary body of scholarship suggests that war, perhaps more than any other contributor, is responsible for the emergence of a distinctly modern presidency. Central to this argument is a belief that members of Congress predictably and reliably line up behind the president during times of war. Few scholars, however, have actually subjected this argument to quantitative investigation. This article does so. Estimating ideal points for members of Congress at the start and end of the most significant wars in the past century, we find consistent—albeit not uniform—evidence of a wartime effect. The outbreaks of both world wars and the post‐9/11 era—though not the Korean or Vietnam wars—coincided with discernible changes in member voting behavior that better reflected the ideological leanings of the presidents then in office. In the aftermath of all these wars, meanwhile, members shifted away from the sitting president’s ideological orientation. These findings are not confined to any single subset of policies, are robust to a wide variety of modeling specifications, and run contrary to scholarship that emphasizes ideological consistency in members’ voting behavior. 相似文献
450.
Jon Birger Skjærseth 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2003,3(2):167-190
Most pollution problems arise as by-products of domestic activity. The effectiveness of international environmental regimes thus depends on the operations of domestic political and administrative institutions. However, the study of regime effectiveness tends to overlook the operation of domestic institutions as well as the interests and preferences of sub-national non-state actors. In this article, a framework for combining the study of regime effectiveness with domestic institutions and actors is initially presented. The merits of this framework within the context of the North Sea regime is then explored. The article concludes that the effectiveness of this regime depends on the operation of both international and domestic institutions. Of particular importance are those sub-national actors actually causing the problem in the first place as well as domestic institutions influencing the behaviour of target groups. 相似文献