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131.
Journal of Chinese Political Science - Pervasive media censorship in China is often seen as a strictly political issue. Although in past years reporters have had leeway to report on economic... 相似文献
132.
133.
武汉市社会科学院课题组 《长江论坛》2009,(6):28-32
武汉与南京是两个非常相似的城市,主要差别在于两地区位环境不同。新世纪以来,南京实现了对武汉的全面超越,这有区位环境的原因,也有主观努力的因素。进一步而言,在基本相同的区位环境下,由于主观方面的欠缺,南京相对于长三角周边兄弟城市,也存在发展滞后的问题。由此可以断定,改革开放三十年,武汉发展相对滞后,主观方面的问题不容忽视。主要问题有如下几点:思想解放不够;抓经济发展的工作力度不足;政府行政管理体制上计划经济烙印较重;经济结构不太合理;外延式、粗放型传统经济增长模式尚未得到根本改变;城市文化传统中缺乏创业创新精神成分等。 相似文献
134.
This article examines the patterns and changes in public perceptions of domestic income inequality in Hong Kong in the past two decades and explains individual variations in these perceptions. It found that the perceived seriousness of income disparities had been persistently high, while the perceived unjustness of income disparities showed a fluctuating trend. Our findings lent partial support to the structural position thesis that the privileged groups are less likely than the underprivileged groups to consider existing income disparities to be serious and unjust. Nonetheless, the popular understanding of poverty is still biased towards ‘individual’ explanations, and this perhaps explains why the government is less willing to tackle the economic and political foundations of poverty in Hong Kong. 相似文献
135.
DR NA JIANG 《人权》2009,8(1):37-38
On February 28, 2008, the State Council Information Office published a white paper entitled China's Efforts and Achievements in Promoting the Rule of Law. This document is the first white paper published by the government on China's rule of law. It contains eight chapters and six appendices to review China's achievements on the road to practicing the rule of law in a compre- hensive way, and to expound the official Chinese policy and position on this is- sue. With some essential points inside, the publication of this white paper is of great significance, especially this year, to China's rule of law, human rights prog- ress, and its communication and dialogue with the international community. 相似文献
136.
137.
According to the democratic domino theory, increases or decreases in democracy in one country spread and "infect" neighboring countries, increasing or decreasing their democracy in turn. Using spatial econometrics and panel data that cover over 130 countries between 1850 and 2000, this article empirically investigates the democratic domino theory. We find that democratic dominoes do in fact fall as the theory contends. However, these dominoes fall significantly "lighter" than the importance of this model suggests. Countries "catch" only about 11% of the increases or decreases in their average geographic neighbors' increases or decreases in democracy. This finding has potentially important foreign policy implications. The "lightness" with which democratic dominoes fall suggests that even if foreign military intervention aimed at promoting democracy in undemocratic countries succeeds in democratizing these nations, intervention is likely to have only a small effect on democracy in their broader regions. 相似文献
138.
Using panel data and matching techniques, we exploit a rare change in communication flows—the endorsement switch to the Labour Party by several prominent British newspapers before the 1997 United Kingdom general election—to study the persuasive power of the news media. These unusual endorsement switches provide an opportunity to test for news media persuasion while avoiding methodological pitfalls that have plagued previous studies. By comparing readers of newspapers that switched endorsements to similar individuals who did not read these newspapers, we estimate that these papers persuaded a considerable share of their readers to vote for Labour. Depending on the statistical approach, the point estimates vary from about 10% to as high as 25% of readers. These findings provide rare evidence that the news media exert a powerful influence on mass political behavior. 相似文献
139.
Jonathan S. Morris 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):79-102
The intention of this analysis is to examine The Daily Show with Jon Stewart’s coverage of politics and assess the persuasive power of the program’s unique brand of humor. Evidence from a content analysis
of The Daily Show’s “Indecision 2004” coverage of the Democratic and Republican Party Conventions shows the program’s humor was much harsher
during the Republican Convention than it was during the Democratic Convention. While the humor in both conventions was heavily
based on self-deprecation and the exploitation of conventional political stereotypes, the ridicule of Republicans focused
much more on policy and character flaws. Humor pointed toward Democrats, on the other hand, tended to focus more on innocuous
physical attributes. Analysis of panel data collected by the National Annenberg Election Survey during the 2004 national party
conventions shows that exposure to The Daily Show’s convention coverage was associated with increased negativity toward President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney. These
relationships remain significant even when controlling for partisan identification and ideology. Attitudes toward the Democratic
ticket, John Kerry and John Edwards remained consistent. 相似文献
140.
中共陕西省委党校课题组 《理论导刊》2009,(6)
科学发展观是新时期新阶段我们党治国理政、富民安邦的根本指针和行动纲领.要坚持以科学发展观统领反腐倡康建设,着力构建反腐倡廉建设的长效教育机制、制度保障体系以及长效监督机制. 相似文献