全文获取类型
收费全文 | 964篇 |
免费 | 54篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 84篇 |
工人农民 | 31篇 |
世界政治 | 76篇 |
外交国际关系 | 101篇 |
法律 | 383篇 |
中国政治 | 7篇 |
政治理论 | 329篇 |
综合类 | 7篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 3篇 |
2022年 | 6篇 |
2021年 | 19篇 |
2020年 | 35篇 |
2019年 | 35篇 |
2018年 | 36篇 |
2017年 | 50篇 |
2016年 | 42篇 |
2015年 | 43篇 |
2014年 | 36篇 |
2013年 | 173篇 |
2012年 | 29篇 |
2011年 | 44篇 |
2010年 | 19篇 |
2009年 | 33篇 |
2008年 | 29篇 |
2007年 | 39篇 |
2006年 | 35篇 |
2005年 | 28篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 28篇 |
2002年 | 40篇 |
2001年 | 15篇 |
2000年 | 18篇 |
1999年 | 15篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 16篇 |
1996年 | 11篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 15篇 |
1993年 | 10篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 9篇 |
1989年 | 5篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 6篇 |
1985年 | 4篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1965年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1018条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
Public service mutuals are a form of employee‐led organization in which service workers spin out of the public sector to form “mutuals” that contract back with government to provide a service. This article draws on economic and psychological theory to demonstrate that mutuals can align both self‐interested and altruistic or public service motivations so as to serve the social good; moreover, by offering greater autonomy to public service professionals, mutuals are predicted to encourage energetic and persistent behaviors. In both cases, there is an advantage over alternative forms of organization such as the public sector bureaucracy, the shareholder‐owned private firm, or the nonprofit organization. The employee‐led mutual form, however, may not appeal to risk‐averse workers, its collective decision‐making systems may be inefficient, and external mechanisms may be required to ensure that organizational outcomes are always directed toward the social good. 相似文献
32.
Experimentalism in transnational forest governance: Implementing European Union Forest Law Enforcement,Governance and Trade (FLEGT) Voluntary Partnership Agreements in Indonesia and Ghana 下载免费PDF全文
Over the past decade, the European Union (EU) has created a novel experimentalist architecture for transnational forest governance: the Forest Law Enforcement, Governance and Trade (FLEGT) initiative. This innovative architecture comprises extensive participation by civil society stakeholders in establishing and revising open‐ended framework goals (Voluntary Partnership Agreements [VPAs] with developing countries aimed at promoting sustainable forest governance and preventing illegal logging) and metrics for assessing progress toward them (legality standards and indicators) through monitoring and review of local implementation, underpinned by a penalty default mechanism to sanction non‐cooperation (the EU Timber Regulation that prohibits operators from placing illegally harvested wood on the European market). This paper analyzes the implementation of VPAs in Indonesia and Ghana, the two countries furthest advanced toward issuing FLEGT export licences. A central finding is the reciprocal relationship between the experimentalist architecture of the FLEGT initiative and transnational civil society activism, whereby the VPAs’ insistence on stakeholder participation, independent monitoring, and joint implementation review, underwritten by the EU, empowers domestic non‐governmental organizations with local knowledge to expose problems on the ground, hold public authorities accountable for addressing them, and contribute to developing provisional solutions. 相似文献
33.
Jonathan S. Masur 《Public Choice》2017,170(1-2):177-180
When agencies regulate, they must calculate the costs and benefits of their regulations. To do this, they must often price non-market goods—for instance, the value of protecting wildlife or the environment. Regulators have typically relied upon contingent valuation surveys to put prices on these types of goods. But contingent valuation surveys are fraught with error and often give rise to implausible valuations that cannot be trusted. Quadratic voting offers a better solution. Agencies should hold quadratic votes over nonmarket goods and use those votes to price the goods at issue. 相似文献
34.
35.
Recent case studies and large-N survey evidence has confirmed long-suspected shortages of public sector “policy capacity”. Studies have found that government policy workers in various jurisdictions differ considerably with respect to types of policy work they undertake, and have identified uneven capacity for policy workers to access and apply technical and scientific knowledge to public issues. This suggests considerable difficulties for government’s ability to meet contemporary policy and governance challenges. Despite growing attention to these matters, studies have not examined the “elite” policy workers many governments recruit to address these capacity shortages. Using an established survey instrument, this study of two Canadian recruitment programs provides the first comparative analysis of elite policy recruits, as policy workers. Three research questions anchor the study: (1) What is the profile of these actors? (2) What types of policy work do “elite” policy analysts actually engage in? (3) How does their policy work compare by recruitment program? The article provides fresh comparative data on the nature of elite policy work and policy analytical capacity, but, more importantly, a crucial baseline for future comparative study of how elite recruitment may facilitate “supply-side” capacity gains expected from recruitment programs. 相似文献
36.
Jonathan Liljeblad 《Journal of Civil Society》2017,13(1):18-34
The announcement of 22 June 2014 from the World Heritage Committee that Pyu Ancient Cities had been added to the World Heritage List was significant for Myanmar, since it represented the country’s first World Heritage site. The World Heritage listing was the culmination of a process driven by a convergence of forces originating from within and outside of Myanmar. An interpretation of Pyu Ancient Cities as involving a transnational network of supporters echoes the work on transnational advocacy networks, which looks to phenomena involving transnational efforts to advance particular issues on behalf of activists against their government. This study examines Pyu Ancient Cities by producing a model that helps to illuminate the efficacy of its social network to engage in transnational advocacy. 相似文献
37.
Jonathan Holslag 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):46-60
For all the promises of mutually beneficial cooperation, Chinese policy documents about the New Silk Road, also called ‘One Belt, One Road’, mostly testify to a strong ambition to unlock foreign markets and support domestic firms in taking on foreign competitors. This confirms China’s shift from defensive mercantilism, which aims to protect the home market, towards offensive mercantilism, which seeks to gain market shares abroad. In a context of global economic stagnation, this comes as a major challenge to Europe. As China’s market share grows spectacularly in countries along the New Silk Road, key European member states have both lost market shares and even seen their exports shrink in absolute terms. 相似文献
38.
Jonathan Zaragoza-Cristiani 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(4):59-75
The events that took place during the 2015-16 refugee crisis in the southeastern EU region boosted unprecedented bordering processes. Borders were reinforced and extended and a costly and difficult deal with Turkey was undertaken; the western Balkans were turned into a vast buffer zone made up of multiple buffer states with fences of all types and sizes; while Greece was ring-fenced and to this day struggles to manage thousands of refugees stranded in camps all over its territory. By seeking to contain the refugee flows, the EU turned its southeastern region into a fortified EU borderland. 相似文献
39.
Jonathan Schell 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2009,22(4):421-425
The article was adapted from a keynote address given at the conference “1989 and Beyond” at the New School for Social Research,
New York City, April 2008. 相似文献
40.
Victims' Rights in Criminal Trials: Prospects for Participation 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Victims in common law jurisdictions have traditionally been unable to participate in criminal trials for a number of structural and normative reasons. They are widely perceived as 'private parties' whose role should be confined to that of witnesses, and participatory rights for such third parties are rejected as a threat to the objective and public nature of the criminal justice system. However, recent years have witnessed both a major shift in attitude in relation to the role of victims within the criminal justice system and a breakdown in the public/ private divide in criminal justice discourse. This article considers the standing of the victim within the criminal trial against the backdrop of such changes, and examines the arguments for a more radical course of reform that would allow victims to participate actively in criminal hearings as they are able to do in many European jurisdictions. 相似文献