The effects of different entry modes of foreign direct investment on labor rights in the developing world

Although many studies have investigated the effects of foreign direct investment on labor rights in the developing world, no studies of which we are aware have considered how differences in the mode of entry—that is, mergers and acquisitions (M&As), cross-border joint ventures (JVs), and greenfield investments (GIs)—taken by multinational corporations affect labor rights in host countries. Using panel data for up to 113 developing countries from 1985–2002, we find that foreign firms that enter via M&As tend to have minimal, or slightly negative, effects on labor rights, whereas JVs and GIs support improvements in workers’ rights. Overall, the results suggest that the sectors and motivations associated with JV and GI modes of entry increase labor demand, improving the bargaining power of workers.     

Fatal Falls from Height in Taiwan

This study conducts an investigation of fatal falls from height, examines gender differences, and compares our findings with those of Western countries. We review deaths in Taiwan caused by falls from height that underwent forensic autopsy from 1994 to 2010. Among the examined cases, 182 were suicide, 156 were accidents, and 18 were homicides. Men who fell from greater heights had a lower probability of fatal head trauma (p = 0.045), and women exhibited a lower fatal head trauma rate when falling from heights of between 10 and 25 m in accident group (p = 0.003). There was no significant difference between cases of falling from greater and lower heights within the suicide group (p = 0.834). Psychiatric illness was only reported in 20.3% and 28.8% cases in suicide and accident groups. Only in male cases was the use of psychotropic substances higher in the suicide groups than in the accident groups (p = 0.047).     

State Item-Veto Legal Issues in the 1990s

During the 1990s, legal issues arising from governors exercising their item-veto powers were prevalent. These issues arose despite the fact that in most instances, state constitutions grant these powers to governors. Also, legal issues were prevalent, even though these powers had been exercised for decades; one might have expected that most legal issues would have been resolved long before the 1990s. Topics in court included standing, advisory opinions, definitions of 'appropriation' and 'item,' reasons used by governors in exercising the veto power, post-adjournment vetoes, and labor relations in conjunction with item-vetoes that affect personnel. The item-veto cases need to be considered in the broader context of state government, which encompasses such topics as initiatives and referenda, biennial budgeting, school desegregation mandates by courts, and balanced budget requirements. No single topic dominated litigation in the 1990s, but instead a breadth of topics was evident.     

Montesquieu on Federalism and Anglo-Gothic Constitutionalism

The common perception that Montesquieu is not a major theoristof federalism is due both to the peripheral nature of his accountof confederate republics and his praise of the unitary BritishConstitution in the Spirit of the Laws. This study challengesthis view by arguing that, despite his endorsement of the separationof powers, Montesquieu had serious reservations about England'shighly centralized system of parliamentary sovereignty. Moreover,his most significant reflections on federalism were not containedin his brief treatment of confederate republics, but ratherin his lengthy consideration of Gothic constitutionalism. Iconclude that Montesquieu's complex constitutional theory involvestwo distinct dimensions including both the separation of powersexemplified in England and the federal principles in the decentralizedGothic system of medieval France.     

Understanding China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative’: beyond ‘grand strategy’ to a state transformation analysis

Abstract

China’s massive ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) – designed to build infrastructure and coordinate policymaking across Eurasia and eastern Africa – is widely seen as a clearly-defined, top-down ‘grand strategy’, reflecting Beijing’s growing ambition to reshape, or even dominate, regional and international order. This article argues that this view is mistaken. Foregrounding transformations in the Chinese party-state that shape China’s foreign policy-making, it shows that, rather than being a coherent, geopolitically-driven grand strategy, BRI is an extremely loose, indeterminate scheme, driven primarily by competing domestic interests, particularly state capitalist interests, whose struggle for power and resources are already shaping BRI’s design and implementation. This will generate outcomes that often diverge from top leaders’ intentions and may even undermine key foreign policy goals.