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Assessing a voluntary environmental initiative in the developing world: The Costa Rican Certification for Sustainable Tourism 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
The public policy literature has paid little attention to evaluating the ability of voluntary environmental programs to generate economic benefits for firms. Yet, given their voluntary nature, provision of economic benefits to firms is a necessary condition for these programs to become effective environmental policy instruments. Additionally, little is known about why firms operating in developing countries would participate in these initiatives.This paper provides some of the first cross-sectional empirical evidence about voluntary environmental programs established in developing countries. Specifically, the paper focuses on studying hotel participation in the Costa Rican Certification for Sustainable Tourism (CST program). The CST program is probably the first performance-based voluntary environmental program created by a developing country government. Results indicate that hotels with certified superior environmental performance show a positive relationship with differentiation advantages that yield price premiums. Participation in the CST program alone is not significantly related to higher prices and higher sales. The evidence also indicates that participation in the CST program was significantly related to government monitoring, trade association membership and hotels focus on green consumers. 相似文献
164.
Ricardo Mendes M.D. M.Sc. Sara Santos M.D. M.Sc. Francisco Taveira M.D. M.Sc. Ricardo Jorge Dinis‐Oliveira Pharm.D. Ph.D. Agostinho Santos M.D. Ph.D. Teresa Magalhães M.D. Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2015,60(2):471-475
Suicide in children is a rare finding and is probably motivated by acts of impulsiveness. This study aims to contribute to the characterization of child suicide in a forensic perspective in the Portuguese population. Data of forensic autopsies from 2004 to 2012 related to suicide victims under 18 years were reviewed. A total of 17 cases, with a male predominance (64.7%) and a mean age of 15.24 ± 1.348 for both genders, were registered. The leading suicide method was hanging (35.3%), and a suicide note was found in 41.2%. Psychological autopsy proved to be useful in promoting a better understanding of these incidents and their antecedents. This study also offers useful information, namely the implied risk factors, for future programs of suicide research and prevention. 相似文献
165.
Jorge M. Fernandes Miguel M. Pereira Carolina Plescia 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2016,26(3):312-335
Do voters behave strategically in local elections? Does democratic experience influence voters’ capacity to behave strategically? Is there a relation between education and voters’ capacity to anticipate the mechanical effects of electoral statutes and adapt their behaviour accordingly? Using an original data set covering the complete democratic period, this paper studies strategic voting at the local level in Portugal. Using an ecological inference approach, we contribute to a vast body of literature on strategic voting by testing whether theories developed for national contexts travel to local contexts. Our findings suggest that (1) voters consistently defect to non-viable lists to support viable lists; (2) democratic experience helps voters to learn how to maximize their utility; and (3) education is important for voters’ ability to identify a strategic setting. 相似文献
166.
Efraín García-Sánchez Guillermo B. Willis Rosa Rodríguez-Bailón Jorge Palacio Sañudo Jean David Polo Erico Rentería Pérez 《Social Justice Research》2018,31(4):335-354
Perceived greater economic inequality is supposedly associated with higher demand for redistribution. However, the findings in the literature are mixed in this regard, with some researchers providing evidence in favour of this association and some findings evidence against it. Given that perceived economic inequality and endorsement of system-justifying beliefs are related to increased inequality acceptance, we explore the interplay between them in relation to support for redistribution. This study is intended to shed light on the role of utopian standards (ideal estimates about what ought to be) as one mechanism that affects the relationship between perceived greater economic inequality and support for redistribution. Based on correlational data (N?=?794), we conducted a conditional process analysis and found that perceived greater inequality displayed a negative indirect effect on support for redistribution, through acceptance of ideal level of economic inequality: Perception of higher inequality was related to increased ideal levels of inequality and thus with lower support for redistribution. In addition, we found that economic system-justifying beliefs conditioned the effect of perceived economic inequality in two ways: First, perceived economic inequality was positively associated with higher acceptance of inequality, and this association was stronger for those that justified the economic system more, and perceived greater inequality was associated with higher support for redistribution—but only for those who endorsed lower levels of economic system justification beliefs. These findings provide evidence that perceived greater economic inequality does not in itself lead to a push for more redistribution; rather, utopian standards such as ideal estimates of economic inequality, which are conditioned by system-justifying ideologies. 相似文献
167.
Jorge Gomes de Souza Chaloub 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2023,42(4):539-550
The strengthening of the ultra-right in the Brazilian political scenario has a certain geopolitical imagination as one of its centres. Its main authors, on the one hand, consider Latin America as something to be avoided, and, on the other hand, value the affinities between Brazil and the United States due to the idea of a mutual belonging to a Christian West. The present article explains the most current assumptions and arguments of this discourse after 2016, based on an analysis of the geopolitical imaginary of the Brazilian ultra-right. The text reconstructs three political languages of the field – the reactionary, the ultraliberal, and the authoritarian conservative, based on the analysis of four intellectual protagonists: Olavo de Carvalho, Ernesto Araújo, Paulo Guedes, and Eduardo Villas Bôas. Finally, we raise some hypotheses about the reasons for the longevity of some fundamental traits of this geopolitical imaginary in the Brazilian scenario. 相似文献