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31.
Joseph Roger Clark 《Orbis》2019,63(2):225-239
Modern Russia is a revisionist, if not a revanchist, nation-state. It seeks to end the efficacy of the post-World War II institutionalized rules-based international order, which was created and maintained by the U.S.-led Western alliance. Russia pursues this objective to reclaim great power status and dominate the region and its borders. However, it lacks the strength to achieve this goal directly. To be successful, Russia must devise a strategy for bringing about cumulative changes in the relative power of the United States and Russia. And, it must do so while avoiding direct confrontation. A model for such an indirect approach exists.  相似文献   
32.
The development of the penal bond with endorsed conditional defeasance presents a problem because the earliest monetary penalties in English contracts took the form of straight-forward penalty clauses. It is hard to see how the convoluted penal bond developed from such penalty clauses. This article traces the development of the penal bond from debt recognizances defeasible by the performance of conditions stated in a separate document. The logic of the defeasible recognizance was carried over to other arrangements including the penal bond with endorsed conditional defeasance.  相似文献   
33.
This article considers a unique feature of co-operation within the Commonwealth, the Commonwealth Schemes aimed at enhancing international co-operation in criminal matters. It focuses in particular on the Scheme relating to Mutual Assistance in Criminal Matters within the Commonwealth, commonly referred to as the Harare Scheme.  相似文献   
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The economic rise of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) inevitably leads to a redistribution of power in the international system. Chinese leaders today accord a considerable priority to this group, and there are elements of realism, liberalism/institutionalism and constructivism in their approach. This article intends to study China's policy towards BRICS and examine the above elements so as to better understand how the Chinese leadership perceives China's role in the international system, and how it seeks to articulate its interests and enhance its influence.  相似文献   
36.
Genghis Khan once said,"It is easy to conquer the world from the back of a horse." With this in mind,I confidently mounted my first Mongolian horse at a camp two hours outside of Ulan Bator and settled into the wooden-framed saddle. "Choo!" I shouted,using the Mongolian  相似文献   
37.
In the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle refers to Socrates five times: four references are to the contentious Socratic doctrine that “virtue is knowledge” the fifth is in the discussion of irony, “such as that of which Socrates was accused.” These issues are not conjoined accidentally. “Manifest appearances” attest that we can do worse than we know or know better than we do. Yet, the “problem of incontinence'’ is only half of the problem of the divergence of character and intellect, the mediocre and the extravagant in virtue. The other half of the problem is the capacity of some to do or act better than they know, vice's ability to imitate virtue, the disloyal talent's employment of demagoguery, the clever vice of irony.  相似文献   
38.
A.R. Desai (ed.), Peasant Struggles in India, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979. Pp.xxv + 772; Rs. 140.

Sunil Sen, Peasant Movements in India: Mid‐Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, Calcutta: K.P. Bagchi, 1982. Pp.275; Rs.75.

D.N. Dhanagare, Peasant Movements in India: 1920–1950, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983. Pp.xii + 254; £12.

This review of some important recent works on peasant movements in India examines four major questions concerning (a) the social locus of rebellions, (b) the role of capitalism and imperialism, (c) the part played by existing state power, and (d) the role of parties or organisations. It is argued that while there is no unchanging social base the disproportionately high degree of tribal participation in armed rebellion may provide some clue to the relative lack of similar participation among the mainstream peasantry, that capitalist imperialism is a multi faceted phenomenon impinging on the peasantry in many ways, that existing state power plays a major part in rebellions, and that a party or organisation is a necessary precondition for any trans‐local or trans‐tribal movement. It concludes by suggesting that varieties of mobilisation within the framework of parliamentary politics should be studied in order to assess the really significant role of the peasantry in the political evolution of post‐independence India.  相似文献   
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