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Legislative scholars have theorized about the role of committees and whether they are, or are not, tools of the majority party. We look to the states to gain more empirical leverage on this question, using a regression discontinuity approach and novel data from all state committees between 1996 and 2014. We estimate that majority‐party status produces an 8.5 percentage point bonus in committee seats and a substantial ideological shift in the direction of the majority party. Additionally, we leverage a surprisingly frequent, but as if random occurrence in state legislatures—tied chambers—to identify majority‐party effects, finding similar support for partisan committees. We also examine whether the extent of committee partisanship is conditional on party polarization or legislative professionalism, but we find that it is not. Our results demonstrate that parties create nonrepresentative committees across legislatures to pursue their outlying policy preferences. 相似文献
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Although experiencing child abuse (i.e., physical abuse, sexual abuse, exposure to violence) is associated with a variety of mental health difficulties, simple exposure to abuse does not produce symptoms in every individual. The current study explored emotion regulation as a mediator in the relationship between a history of child abuse and symptoms of posttraumatic stress and depression. Adolescent females (ages 11–17 years) were asked to retrospectively report on their exposure to child abuse, current symptoms of PTSD/depression, and emotion regulation abilities. Caregiver report of adolescent emotional difficulties was also obtained. Analyses revealed that child abuse-exposed females, when compared to females without a trauma history, had worse emotion regulation abilities and increased mental health difficulties. Moreover, emotion regulation significantly mediated the relationship between child abuse and all assessed mental health symptoms. These findings extend previous work from adult samples, underscoring the importance of assessing emotion regulation abilities in abuse-exposed youth. 相似文献
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150 Years of Patent Office Practice 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
This article examines the administrative practices of the patentoffices in 60 countries over a 150-year period, a little exploredarena where government bodies and private firms interact. Largerand wealthier countries where international trade is more importantgive patent applicants more options. In these nations, patentoffice administrators flexibility is often restrictedand the responsibility for determining patentability dividedbetween the patent office and the courts. Civil law nationstend to rely solely on the courts to determine patent validityand restrict the discretion of patent office administrators.They also tend to offer patent applicants more options. 相似文献
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Ratcliffe Jerry H. Taylor Ralph B. Askey Amber Perenzin Thomas Kevin Grasso John Bethel Kevin J. Fisher Ryan Koehnlein Josh 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2021,17(1):15-41
Journal of Experimental Criminology - This place-based, randomized experiment explored the impact of different patrol strategies on violent and property crime in microscale predicted crime areas.... 相似文献
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Josh Cole 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(2):430-441
This article looks at the UK Labour Party’s view of the EU single market over the last four decades, focussing on three case study periods when this issue was particularly salient: first, the time of the single market’s introduction under Neil Kinnock’s leadership; second, the A8 accession with Tony Blair as Labour Prime Minister; and third, between the 2016 European referendum and 2019 general election during Jeremy Corbyn’s time as party leader. This historical narrative uses the theoretical approach of Harvard economist Dani Rodrik—of a ‘trilemma’ faced by national policy makers in response to globalisation—as a lens to describe a clear arc in Labour’s policy towards the single market across the three case studies. A position of initial scepticism moved to support under Kinnock’s leadership, and then active encouragement under Blair, before coming back again under Corbyn to uncomfortable non-commitment. This arc directly correlates with the ebb and flow of the party’s overall economic approach—first the Keynesian, national Alternative Economic Strategy at the time of the party’s 1983 general election defeat; then, the deviation under Blair to a policy that actively encouraged cross-border market liberalisation; and finally the return to an Alternative Economic Strategy-style approach under Corbyn. 相似文献
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Josh Benson 《Law & social inquiry》2008,33(4):1071-1110
The last ten years have witnessed the reemergence of fears of judicial power among scholars on the left. This renewed “Anti‐Court” movement includes the minimalism of Cass Sunstein, the popular constitutionalism of Mark Tushnet and Larry Kramer, and the bipartisan judicial restraint of Jeffrey Rosen. This essay traces the origin, development, and implications of this movement, noting its particular ties to historic trends in the academy: the Legal Process School, critical theory, and the positivist work of Gerald Rosenberg and Michael Klarman. The essay also considers the movement's preference for majoritarian politics—a partiality borne of dissatisfaction with the Rehnquist Court, but also, conversely, recognition of the failures of conservative attempts at policy making. The essay concludes by considering the ambitions of these scholars to develop a truly apolitical theory of judicial power. In light of the furious debate over the purported “minimalism” of John Roberts, severing theory from politics may prove impossible. 相似文献