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91.
Jacqueline?Horan?FisherEmail author Joshua?L.?Brown 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2018,47(10):2041-2059
Much of the existing research examining etiological contributors to psychopathic characteristics considers only biological and physiological deficits, with little consideration given to contextual factors that may play a role in their development. This prospective, longitudinal study examined the influence of childhood home and school environments on adolescent psychopathic characteristics among 390 youth (50.5% female; 46.2% Black/African American, 44.9% Hispanic/Latino, 6.9% Asian or Native American/Alaska Native, and 2.1% Non-Hispanic White). Specifically, this study examined (1) the effect of home chaos and poor parental monitoring on adolescent primary and secondary psychopathy and callous-unemotional traits through the lens of multiple reporters, and (2) whether classroom climate quality across three years of childhood moderated these relationships. The results indicated that delinquency and home chaos in childhood were related to primary psychopathy in adolescence and that exposure to higher quality classroom climates across childhood acted as a buffer by mitigating the negative relationship between parental monitoring in childhood and secondary psychopathy in adolescence. These findings have implications for designing interventions to mitigate the manifestation of youth psychopathy. 相似文献
92.
On 2 January 2016, armed anti-government protestors took over the Malheur National Wildlife Refuge (MNWR) in rural Oregon. The takeover of the MNWR is part of a larger, much longer set of movements called the Sagebrush Rebellion that has come to define contemporary white contestations about the federal regulation of lands in the American West. Specifically, we argue that the armed takeover of MNWR is revelatory of the way white supremacy intersects with place in important and consequential ways. In addition, we examine the politics of place and property to interrogate the way settler imaginaries affords settlers a perceived right to property and the land. We contend that this perception, illustrated by the events at Malheur National Wildlife Refuge, is enmeshed within particular conceptions of property, the frontier, and whiteness. The MNWR takeover illuminates how discourses of whiteness and property rights are essential to the ongoing production of white supremacy within the US settler state. 相似文献
93.
Kevin J. Strom Ph.D. Joshua A. Hendrix Ph.D. William J. Parish Ph.D. Patricia A. Melton Ph.D. Hannah Feeney Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(5):1497-1506
Over the past decade, the large numbers of untested sexual assault kits (SAKs) have been highlighted as a systematic problem that jeopardizes or delays justice for victims. Considering the benefits of testing SAKs, researchers have worked to shed light on why sexual assault evidence has not been effectively submitted to and processed by crime laboratories. Missing from this discourse has been an understanding of the types of practices or qualities that encourage efficiency in the testing of SAKs in crime laboratories. We analyzed results of a national survey administered to all publicly funded state and local crime laboratories (N = 132 respondents) to provide critical information about (i) the extent to which laboratories are testing all of the SAKs possible given the resources they have available; and (ii) the impact that staffing, equipment, policies, and other practices have on SAK testing efficiency. We find that the average laboratory tests only about 69% of the SAKs possible given the resources available to them. However, although technical inefficiencies explain a large proportion of the number of untested SAKs, the accumulation of untested SAKs must also be attributed to laboratories having insufficient resources (e.g., too few forensic analysts). Moreover, results from stochastic frontier models show that doubling the number of forensic analysts in the typical laboratory would allow them to expand their SAK testing capacity by nearly 50%. Implications of these findings are discussed as they relate to the prioritization of resources for crime laboratories, which often operate under strict budgetary realities. 相似文献
94.
Olena Kopystynska Joshua J. Turner David G. Schramm Brian Higginbotham 《Family Court Review》2020,58(3):804-815
Divorce education programs are mandatory in most states. Despite the ongoing debate in the field regarding the appropriate duration of these programs, the goal of the current study was to identify the following five content areas in divorce education that may be most relevant for predicting favorable outcomes: (1) impact of divorce on children, (2) impact of divorce on family relationships, (3) financial responsibilities of divorcing parents for children, (4) benefits of positive coparenting, and (5) impact of domestic violence on children and family relationships. Using divorcing parents' self‐reported data (N = 3,275) from a one‐hour online divorce education program in Utah, we examined participants' post‐divorce intentions to treat each other respectfully, especially in front of the child(ren), and engage in positive coparental practices. The results showed that the program was effective in obtaining these objectives. We discuss these findings in depth and offer suggestions for future programs. 相似文献
95.
96.
Pearson d'Estrée Tamra Fast Larissa A. Weiss Joshua N. Jakobsen Monica S. 《Negotiation Journal》2001,17(2):101-113
This essay outlines a conceptual framework for discussing success in interactive conflict resolution and in conflict resolution efforts more generally. It first proposes reasons why evaluation is crucial for improving practice. An overview of the new framework and its development are then presented. This gives the reader a window into its construction and some of the challenges of evaluation in conflict intervention processes. Next, the uses of the framework are explained as well as how its use helps to change the debate about successful processes. Finally, this article discusses how the theoretician, practitioner, and researcher-evaluator can use this framework for their own purposes, and how evaluating processes based upon their goals helps to improve the theory, practice, and research of the field. 相似文献
97.
Public Choice - Exploiting a unique panel of student respondents surveyed both shortly before and after the March 2016 bombings in Brussels, this paper analyzes the effects of terrorism on social... 相似文献
98.
Joshua N. Weiss 《Negotiation Journal》2015,31(3):211-222
Persuasion is undoubtedly a critical negotiation skill. But while the literature has examined its role in negotiation, few, if any, scholars or practitioners have offered a clear strategic framework for putting persuasion into negotiation practice. The ethos, pathos, and logos modes of persuasion elucidated by Aristotle in the fourth century B.C.E. provide a clear, understandable, and easy‐to‐apply framework that students and trainees can use to prepare for negotiation, to deploy during the negotiation process, and to conduct debriefings following a negotiation. In this article, I describe how to apply this Aristotelian framework and explain an additional dimension of persuasion in negotiation that I believe is also critical: timing. Through the real‐world example of Anwar Sadat and his trip to Jerusalem, I demonstrate how this framework has worked in practice. 相似文献
99.
To redress its deteriorating environment, Chinese leaders have elevated the environmental agenda in its political discourse,
especially at the recent 17th Party Congress. In this article, I answer whether the changes and reforms enacted at the 17th
Party Congress and codified in the National Eleventh Five-year Plan for Environmental Protection (PEP) address the flaws of
the Chinese environmental governance regime. First I identify the critical shortcomings of China’s environmental governance.
Then I examine the PEP, focusing on the reforms that correspond with each of these shortcomings. I find that the PEP reforms
are insufficient in addressing the shortcomings of the Chinese environmental governance regime. However, in examining empirical
evidence, I find that despite almost non-existent institutional reforms, China’s environmental performance has improved. Finally,
in the conclusion, I summarize my findings, examine the implications of the paradoxical increase in environmental performance
without corresponding governance reform, and suggest areas of future research. 相似文献
100.
Some studies have contended that direct democracy has secondary benefits unrelated to its impact on policy. In particular,
recent scholarship claims that the American ballot initiative process enhances political efficacy. We began with concerns
about the logic and empirical methods underlying this conclusion. We connect this research to the broader political psychology
literature and in doing so find little reason to expect a positive relationship between direct democracy and efficacy. Our
other contribution is to subject the empirical claim to more extensive testing. In contrast to prior research, we draw from
multiple data sources and consider sampling methods. The results consistently fail to indicate that direct democracy generally
enhances political efficacy. We find cause for skepticism about the secondary benefits of the ballot initiative process.
相似文献
Edward L. Lascher Jr.Email: |