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611.
Timothy J. Loney DPA 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(10):1845-1863
Recent initiatives by the Clinton Administration to promote labor-management cooperation and to reinvent government suggest reconsidering the efficacy of total quality management (TQM) and labor-management cooperation initiatives in the public sector. Key elements of both initiatives, for example, process improvement/innovation, focus on the customer, and employee empowerment, are inherent parts of the National Performance Review (NPR) and, as such, are critical to the achievement of NPR outcomes. Achieving these outcomes involves the simultaneous transformation of agencies and unions. This is no small task. The challenges and risks involved in such a large-scale transformation are identified, as well as the factors that make the public sector an appropriate (and safe) place for the American labor movement to experiment with new ways to manage relationships. 相似文献
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Miller Coyle H Shutler G Abrams S Hanniman J Neylon S Ladd C Palmbach T Lee HC 《Journal of forensic sciences》2003,48(2):343-347
As a first step in developing a molecular method for the individualization of marijuana samples, we evaluated a plant DNA extraction kit. The QIAGEN plant DNeasy method uses a spin column format for recovery of DNA and is effective for obtaining high molecular weight DNA from leaf, flower (bud), and seed samples of marijuana. The average DNA yield was 125-500 ng per 100 milligrams of fresh plant tissue. The recovered DNA was of polymerase chain reaction (PCR) quality as measured by the ability to generate reproducible amplified fragment length polymorphism (AFLP) profiles. AFLP is a technique used to create a DNA profile for plant varieties and is being applied to marijuana samples by the authors to link growers and distributors of clonal material. The QIAGEN plant DNeasy method was simple, efficient, and reproducible for processing small quantities of marijuana into DNA. 相似文献
615.
Robert Haveman Rebecca Blank Robert Moffitt Timothy Smeeding Geoffrey Wallace 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2015,34(3):593-638
We present a 50‐year historical perspective of the nation's antipoverty efforts, describing the evolution of policy during four key periods since 1965. Over this half‐century, the initial heavy reliance on cash income support to poor families has eroded; increases in public support came largely in the form of in‐kind (e.g., Food Stamps) and tax‐related (e.g., the Earned Income Tax Credit) benefits. Work support and the supplementation of earnings substituted for direct support. These shifts eroded the safety net for the most disadvantaged in American society. Three poverty‐related analytical developments are also described. The rise of the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM)—taking account of noncash and tax‐related benefits—has corrected some of the serious weaknesses of the official poverty measure (OPM). The SPM measure indicates that the poverty rate has declined over time, rather than being essentially flat as the OPM implies. We also present snapshots of the composition of the poor population in the United States using both the OPM and the SPM, showing progress in reducing poverty overall and among specific socioeconomic subgroups since the beginning of the War on Poverty. Finally, we document the expenditure levels of numerous antipoverty programs that have accompanied the several phases of poverty policy and describe the effect of these efforts on the level of poverty. Although the effectiveness of government antipoverty transfers is debated, our findings indicate that the growth of antipoverty policies has reduced the overall level of poverty, with substantial reductions among the elderly, disabled, and blacks. However, the poverty rates for children, especially those living in single‐parent families, and families headed by a low‐skill, low‐education person, have increased. Rates of deep poverty (families living with less than one‐half of the poverty line) for the nonelderly population have not decreased, reflecting both the increasing labor market difficulties faced by the low‐skill population and the tilt of means‐tested benefits away from the poorest of the poor. 相似文献
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The State of Oregon has proposed a new method of financing health care services for its citizens. Oregon proposes to fund only the most cost-effective services. But in addition to narrowing the offering of health services funded by the State, Oregon proposes to fund all of the State's poor for services, no matter the family status. This broadened number of poor (everyone at the federal poverty level and below, single or married, children or not) will provide health care for more than 200,000 additional Oregonians. The supplementary legislation, SB 534 and SB 935, combined with broadened health care coverage for the poor (SB 27) will cover an additional 478,000 Oregonians. Nearly 95 % of its citizens will have some form of health insurance in Oregon. 相似文献
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Jost Wübbeke 《当代中国》2013,22(82):712-731
Since China joined the international climate negotiations, the role of systematic research and expert advice has grown steadily. A small but highly specialized expert community of semi-official research institutes and university-based research units has formed around Chinese policy-making institutions. The findings of this article indicate that these climate experts have become important actors in Chinese climate policy. Political leaders frequently consult members of this expert community and draw on their substantive conclusions. In some cases, experts have been able to influence policy action by raising awareness of climate vulnerability and contributing to the definition of national emission targets. However, experts seeking to alter the general framework of ‘common but different responsibilities’ have had limited impact. 相似文献