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951.
Simon Shen 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(2):191-203
This article examines the next stage in the movement towards self-government in rural China: that is, the direct election
of town-level executives. Theoretically, as the article asserts, with the mechanisms and statutes currently in place, direct
elections at the town level could generate a two-pronged disaffection. First, there may be alienation between the executives
directly elected at the town level and those already directly elected at the village level, namely a “vertical organizational
alienation.” Second, there may be alienation between the directly elected “town executives” and the town legislature (People’s
Congress), namely a “horizontal governmental alienation.” After describing the possible points of confrontation, the article
concludes by proposing how such discord can be prevented from arising and suggests that until the potential problems attendant
on these elections have been successfully tackled direct elections at the town level should not be extended into other regions. 相似文献
952.
Ari Kohen 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):65-82
What sort of person chooses to remain in a place like Rwanda when an easy exit is offered, when leaving seems the only safe or sane option, and when one is not directly connected to the would-be victims? And how does this person come to develop a circle of care that is expansive enough to include those who are radically Other? In what follows, I consider these questions through a detailed examination of the recent example of Paul Rusesabagina, the Hutu hotel manager in Kigali, Rwanda, who sheltered more than a thousand Tutsi and moderate Hutu refugees during the hundred-day genocide. I argue that Rusesabagina was primarily motivated by an awareness of his own mortality, his personal history, a desire to distance himself from the negative behavior of Hutu like himself, and a strong identification with the Tutsi refugees under his protection. 相似文献
953.
Then newly elected Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, made a historic statement of “Sorry” for past injustices to Australian
Indigenous peoples at the opening of the 2008 federal parliament. In the long-standing absence of a constitutional ‘foundational
principle’ to shape positive federal initiatives in this context, there has been speculation that the emphatic Sorry Statement
may presage formal constitutional recognition. The debate is long overdue in a nation that only overturned the legal fiction
of terra nullius and recognised native title to lan with the High Court’s decision in Mabo in 1992. This article explores
the implications of the Sorry Statement in the context of reparations for the generations removed from their families under
assimilation policies (known since the Bringing Them Home Inquiry as the Stolen Generations). We draw out the utility of recent human rights statutes—such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT)—as a mechanism for facilitating justice, including compensation for past wrongs. Our primary concern here is whether
existing legal processes in Australia hold further capacity to provide reparation for Australian Indigenous peoples or whether
their potential in that regard is already exhausted. We compare common law and statutory developments in other international
jurisdictions, such as Canada, as an indication of what can be achieved by the law to facilitate better legal, economic and
social outcomes for Indigenous peoples. The year 2008 also saw Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper express his apology
to residential school victims in the Canadian Parliament, providing thematic and symbolic echoes across these two former colonies,
which, despite remaining under the British monarchy, both forge their own path into the future, while confronting their own
unique colonial past. We suggest that the momentum provided by the recent public apology and statement of “Sorry” by the newly
elected Australian Prime Minister must not be lost. This symbolic utterance as a first act of the 2008 parliamentary year
stood in stark contrast to the long-standing recalcitrance of the former Prime Minister John Howard on the matter of a formal
apology. Rather than a return to a law enforcement-inspired “three strikes and you’re out” approach, Australia stands poised
for an overdue constitutional and human rights-inspired “three ‘sorries’ and you’re in”. 相似文献
954.
Mark A. Pollack Emilie M. Hafner-Burton 《The Review of International Organizations》2010,5(3):285-313
International organizations (IOs) have moved increasingly in recent years to adopt cross-cutting mandates that require the
“mainstreaming” of particular issues, such as gender equality or environmental protection, across all IO policies. Successful
IO performance with respect to such mandates, we hypothesize, is determined in large part by the use of hard or soft institutional
measures to shape the incentives of sectoral officials whose cooperation is required for successful implementation. We test
this hypothesis with respect to two such mandates—gender mainstreaming and environmental policy integration—in a single international
organization, the European Union, demonstrating a strong causal link between the use of hard incentives and IO performance
in these and related mandates. 相似文献
955.
956.
Toshiaki Tamaki 《Asia Europe Journal》2010,8(3):347-358
In early modern times, the Netherlands imported grain from the Baltic, especially Poland, and re-exported it elsewhere in
Europe. The Dutch shipping industry was extremely profitable, for transport costs were very high, and the number of Dutch
ships was by far the largest among the European countries. Dutch prosperity was based on shipping of grain from the Baltic.
Amsterdam was also a center of information because it was a port at which many ships stayed, and which attracted various merchants
owing to its policy of religious tolerance. Much commercial information and know-how were accumulated in and spread from Amsterdam
which contributed to the growth of the regional European economy from the Baltic because many merchants migrated to Northern
Europe via the city, bringing with them the latest commercial techniques. Amsterdam therefore served as a core of Baltic integration
in the early modern period, for it was a center of shipping and information. 相似文献
957.
958.
Robert L. Brown 《The Review of International Organizations》2010,5(2):141-175
Principal-agent analyses of delegation to international organizations have advanced our understanding of international cooperation
through institutions. However, broader tests of why and when states delegate are not possible without a clear means for objectively
identifying and measuring delegation. This paper develops a metric for delegation based upon the services the agent provides
to its principals and the resources and autonomy it has to provide those services. This numerical metric is continuous and
generalizable to a wide variety of principal-agent relationships. This paper then demonstrates the face validity of the measure
with case studies of delegation to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The paper concludes with a test of Realist and Institutionalist hypotheses for cooperation using the delegation metric, demonstrating
the complexity of the underlying reasons we observe delegation. 相似文献
959.
960.
Johannes Urpelainen 《The Review of International Organizations》2010,5(4):475-496
Market instruments, such as emissions trading or pollution taxes, are less costly than “command and control” regulation. Yet
technological standards are common in international environmental agreements and now figure prominently among proposals to
mitigate global warming. I show that technological standards can be combined with market instruments to create collective
enforcement power. They allow states to internationally enforce technology installation, so the payoff to free riding decreases.
A notable feature of the argument is that technological standards and market instruments are complements, while previous research
has treated them as substitutes. Empirically, technological standards are most valuable if international cooperation is difficult
to enforce and the rate of technological change in concerned industries is slow. 相似文献