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在批判学中,后现代主义、后基础主义、后结构主义以及马克思主义和新犯罪学法,都对犯罪学的发展产生影响,但女权主义者犯罪学是个例外,其坚持参与主流社会运动,以至参与到后基础主义所摆出的理论挑战行动中.而后基础主义者的理论框架能够帮助我们开拓批判的新空间,产生促进社会进步的新的团结力量,其挑战传统犯罪学的观点揭示了权力的某种运作形式,甚至从既估量消极后果又估量能动作用的方式上去理解权力,从而形成了权力运行方式的多样性并提供了正确的鉴别方法.犯罪学的研究及其学科建设也与政治有关,甚至包括文化对其的影响,尤其是一个进步的犯罪学不可能不与民主、公正、人权有关. 相似文献
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This article examines the ways in which the best interest ofthe child has been used as an argument for state-authorizedassessments of persons who are aspiring to parenthood, but whoare not yet parents, i.e. of parent potential rather than parentalperformance. The policies included in the analysis concern threedifferent areas in which assessment of parental potential ismade: adoption, assisted reproduction and presumptive parentswith intellectual disabilities. The status of the best interestof the child as an argument for state-authorized assessmentsof parent potential, I argue, varies with the amount of involvementfrom state authorities that is needed in the process of creatinga family. The state claims the right to assess the parent potentialof individuals only when it contributes to the creation of familiesin which there are no or only partial biogenetic links betweenparents and child. This does not mean that the state does notaim to encourage women who belong to what is perceived as arisk group to refrain from having children. The argument usedin this effort, however, is not the best interest of the child,but the best interest of the woman herself. 相似文献
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Our theoretical understanding of abusive intimate partner relationships has ignored relationships that have become non-violent.
We interviewed a community convenience sample of 27 women whose relationships had become non-violent. Using the constant comparative
analysis of grounded theory, we generated a substantive theory, shifting the pattern of abusive control with three sub-processes, counteracting abuse, taking control, and living differently. Women’s acquisition of personal capacity and autonomy was foundational to countering the insidious oppression of abuse. Partners
in these relationships that became non-violent, paid attention, gradually backing off and ceasing violent acts. For some women,
coexisting in a violence-free relationship was satisfactory; for others, investing in an improved intimate partner relationship
was essential for sustaining living differently. This theory provides direction for women who are working toward living differently with partners who are no longer violent,
and for their helpers. Further, our findings contribute to our theoretical understanding of how abusive couple relationships
may evolve over time. 相似文献
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John A. Hunter Aurelio Jose Figueredo Neil M. Malamuth Judith V. Becker 《Journal of family violence》2004,19(4):233-242
Childhood exposure to violence against females and male-modeled antisocial behavior were examined as risk factors for sexual aggression, and nonsexual aggression and delinquency, in a sample of 182 adolescent male sex offenders using structural equation modeling. Both risk factors produced direct and indirect effects on nonsexual aggression and delinquency with Psychosocial Deficits and Egotistical–Antagonistic Masculinity playing important mediating roles. Exposure to violence against females helped explain sexual aggression through the mediating role of Psychosocial Deficits. As hypothesized, youth who sexually offended against prepubescent children manifested greater deficits in psychosocial functioning, committed fewer offenses against strangers, and demonstrated less violence in their sexual offending than offenders against pubescent females. Findings are discussed within the context of two major evolutionary psychological concepts for explaining human sexual behavior: intrasexual selection and intersexual selection. 相似文献
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Judith Brown 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):462-485
The general problem raised here is peasant involvement in Afro‐Asian nationalist movements. As a case study the focus is M. K. Gandhi's attitude to and activities among Indian peasants from 1917 to 1922 and their response, firstly to his broad span of rural work for social reform and the rectification of particular peasant grievances, and then to his India‐wide passive resistance campaigns on continental issues which had no specifically rural appeal. This analysis underlines the fact that ‘India's peasants’ were no monolithic group. They differed from area to area in economic and social position and were further fragmented by the ties of religion, tribe and caste. Consequently the nature and range of their wider public awareness varied, and their relationships with Gandhi were diverse and complicated. In certain areas he attracted wide support, even adulation, particularly where he campaigned on local grievances. But peasant response to his all‐India calls for passive resistance was geographically restricted, and often dependent on a very garbled understanding of the issues at stake and the expected pay‐offs of the movement. Peasant activists were often outside Gandhi's control; and this threat to cohesion and discipline made him very ambivalent towards wide rural participation. His relationship with India's peasantry illustrated the problems any continental leader or organisation faced in trying to accommodate ‘national’ appeals and tactics to the diverse and often specifically local needs of rural groups — an accommodation which was difficult, dangerous yet essential in some degree if nationalist movements were to be broadly based. 相似文献