The European 2030 climate and energy package: do domestic strategy adaptations precede EU policy change?

The European Union’s 2030 climate and energy package introduced fundamental changes compared to its 2020 predecessor. These changes included a stronger focus on the internal market and an increased emphasis on technology-neutral decarbonization while simultaneously de-emphasizing the renewables target. This article investigates whether changes in domestic policy strategies of leading member states in European climate policy preceded the observed changes in EU policy. Disaggregating strategic change into changes in different elements (goals, objectives, instrumental logic), allows us to go beyond analyzing the relative prioritization of different goals, and to analyze how policy requirements for reaching those goals were dynamically redefined over time. To this end, we introduce a new method, which based on insights from social network analysis, enables us to systematically trace those strategic chances. We find that shifts in national strategies of the investigated member states preceded the shift in EU policy. In particular, countries reframed their understanding of supply security, and pushed for the internal electricity market also as a security measure to balance fluctuating renewables. Hence, the increasing focus on markets and market integration in the European 2030 package echoed the increasingly central role of the internal market for electricity supply security in national strategies. These findings also highlight that countries dynamically redefined their goals relative to the different phases of the energy transition.

     

Bundesstaat und Gleichheitsgrundsatz

Gleichheit und Bundesstaatlichkeit stehen in einem Spannungsverh?ltnis. Nicht nur, dass die von der Bundesstaatstheorie geforderte "arithmetische Gleichheit" angesichts realpolitischer Disparit?ten zwischen den Gliedstaaten in der Praxis kaum durchsetzbar ist, sondern auch die im Wesen des bundesstaatlichen Prinzips gelegene f?derale Differenzierung der einzelnen Landesrechtsordnungen birgt Sprengkraft in sich. Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, in welchem Verh?ltnis Bundesstaatlichkeit und Gleichheitsgrundsatz zueinander stehen. Dabei wird auch untersucht, welche Auswirkungen die Einbindung ?sterreichs in die Europ?ische Union auf dieses Verh?ltnis hat.     

A fatal doxepin poisoning associated with a defective CYP2D6 genotype

It has been suggested that the polymorphism of the CYP2D6 gene can contribute to occurrence of fatal adverse effects. We therefore investigated postmortem toxicology cases of fatal drug poisonings related to CYP2D6 substrates, with the manner of death denoted as accidental or undetermined. CYP2D6 genotypes were determined in 11 consecutive cases with samples available for DNA analysis. A case of fatal doxepin poisoning with an undetermined manner of death was found to coincide with a completely nonfunctional CYP2D6 genotype (*3/*4), indicating a total absence of CYP2D6 enzyme and suggesting a poor metabolizer phenotype. The doxepin concentration was 2.4 mg/L, the concentration of nordoxepin 2.9 mg/L, and the doxepin/nordoxepin ratio 0.83, the lowest found among the 35 nordoxepin-positive postmortem cases analyzed during the same year. No alcohols or other drugs were detected in the case. The CYP2C19 genotype was determined as that of an extensive metabolizer. The high N-desmethylmetabolite concentration is not consistent with acute intoxication. It is therefore probable that the defective genotype has contributed to the death, possibly involving repeated high dosage of doxepin. Our case strongly emphasizes that a pharmacogenetic analysis in postmortem forensic setting may reveal new insight to the cause or manner of death.     

Inside versus outside lobbying: How the institutional framework shapes the lobbying behaviour of interest groups

Different types of interest groups use different lobbying strategies. This article presents an investigation of this already well‐established hypothesis once more, but additionally proposes that the institutional framework of the country in which interest groups operate also influences their lobbying behaviour. More specifically, it is shown that groups working in the interest of the public are better integrated into the policy‐making process when direct democratic instruments, such as referendums, occur regularly (as in Switzerland) than when referendums are the exception (Germany). The article demonstrates that Swiss cause groups – often also referred to as ‘public interest groups’ in the literature – use a more balanced mixture of insider and outsider strategies than their German peers, but also that this moderating effect cannot be found for specific interest groups, such as industry groups or unions.