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排序方式: 共有312条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
211.
Justin Gest 《Citizenship Studies》2015,19(5):535-552
Theories of participation and non-participation are largely unable to capture and distinguish anti-system behavior, which ranges from deliberate silence to political violence. To better understand and measure these diverse forms of citizen participation, and to distinguish these from forms of alienation and marginalization, this article builds a new model of anti-system behavior in a way that facilitates the development of empirically observable variables and hypotheses. To do so, I draw upon sociological approaches to alienation – which examine intensities of rebellion and contestation – and combine them with the standard political scientific approach – which examines intensities of engagement based on resources. The problem, I argue, is that each approach only partially explains the motivations behind aberrant political behavior in modern democratic systems; they are in fact two sides of the same coin. I consider three cases of apparent silent citizenship: Muslims in Western Europe, Roma in Eastern Europe, and white working-class people in North America and Europe. 相似文献
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Recent literature on incomplete contracts attributes noncontractibility of certain contingencies to their unverifiability. This paper questions the underlying assumption of this theory and argues that the court (or arbitrator) need not observe relevant contingencies with the same degree of accuracy as the contracting parties in order to enforce a contingent contract. In a simple procurement model, it is shown that as long as the ruling of the court (arbitrator) is not arbitrary, the first-best outcome can be implemented under certain ideal conditions by a contingent contract even if contingencies are costly to verify and verification is imperfect. 相似文献
214.
Josette Baer 《Swiss Political Science Review》2000,6(3):45-69
Since the breakdown of bipolarity, the international community had to cope with independence movements spreading in Eastern, Central and Southeastern Europe. Given the peculiar coercive character of the Soviet and Yugoslav Federations and the Soviet Union's hegemonial rule in Central Europe, the wish for independent statehood can be understood as a sum of single secessionist movements. This article investigates secession as a moral problem of public international law; it also attempts to define normative criteria for the assessment of secessionist legitimacy. What conditions are required for a legitimate secession? On what political, social or historical characteristics should a legitimate secession be based in order to obtain international recognition? The analysis is carried out on three levels: legitimacy of the actors (Who), legitimacy of the secessionist argument (Why) and procedural legiti‐macy (How). The analysis is illustrated by three examples of recent se‐cessionist movements: Slovakia, FYR Macedonia and Chechnya. 相似文献
215.
Kenneth Kernaghan Justin Gunraj 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2004,47(4):525-546
Abstract: Both theorists and practitioners of public administration continue to debate the extent to which public institutions and organizations are likely to be transformed by the burgeoning adoption of information technology (it). Among those who believe that there will be a substantial, even a revolutionary, transformation, are scholars who emphasize the concept and impact of “informatization.” This article focuses on the implications for public administration of the public sector's increasing reliance on it. It is argued that it, like information itself, is a vital resource for achieving organizational objectives. The use of it by public organizations predisposes them to change in particular ways. As a resource, it has inherent predispositions (e.g., requiring certain skills and investments) that lead to changes in organizational structures and management (e.g., increased dependence on the private sector). Overcoming obstacles to the potentially powerful impact of these it predispositions will require both short‐term reforms (e.g., improved partnering skills) and longer‐term reforms (e.g., changes in organizational culture). Sommaire: Les théoriciens comme les praticiens de l'administration publique continuent à débattre sur la question de savoir dans quelle rnesure les établissements et organisrnes publics risquent d'être transformés par I'adoption croissante de la Technologie de I'inforrnation (ti). Parmi ceux qui croient que l'on va assister à une transformation importante, voire même révolutionnaire, il y a les chercheurs qui soulignent le concept et I'impact de « l'informatisation)>. Le présent article se concentre sur les répercussions que la dépendance croissante du secteur public à l'égard de la ti aura sur I'administration publique. On argumente que la ti, tout come I'information elle‐même, est une ressource essentielle pour atteindre les objectifs organisationnels. Le recours à la ti prédispose a des changement particuliers les organismes publics en question. En tant que ressource, la ti comporte des prédispositions inhérentes (p. ex., exigence de certaines compétences et certains investissements) qui conduisent à des changements dans les structures et la gestion organisationnelles (p. ex., une dépendance accrue à l'égard du secteur privé). Pour surmonter les obstacles à I'impact potentiellement puissant dc ces prédispositions de la ti, il faudra entreprendre des réformes à court terme (p. ex., améliorer les compétences en partenariat) et des réformes à long terme (p. ex., apporter des changements à la culture organisationnelle). 相似文献
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Appropriators not Position Takers: The Distorting Effects of Electoral Incentives on Congressional Representation 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Justin Grimmer 《American journal of political science》2013,57(3):624-642
Congressional districts create two levels of representation. Studies of representation focus on a disaggregated level: the electoral connection between representatives and constituents. But there is a collective level of representation—the result of aggregating across representatives. This article uses new measures of home styles to demonstrate that responsiveness to constituents can have negative consequences for collective representation. The electoral connection causes marginal representatives—legislators with districts composed of the other party's partisans—to emphasize appropriations in their home styles. But it causes aligned representatives—those with districts filled with copartisans—to build their home styles around position taking. Aggregated across representatives, this results in an artificial polarization in stated party positions: aligned representatives, who tend to be ideologically extreme, dominate policy debates. The logic and evidence in this article provide an explanation for the apparent rise in vitriolic debate, and the new measures facilitate a literature on home styles. 相似文献
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Justin L. C. Eldridge 《European Security》2013,22(3):46-90
On 27 July 2001 negotiators of the ethnic Slav and ethnic Albanian political parties from the self‐proclaimed unity government of the Federal Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) met at Ohrid, a lakeside resort in the southwestern corner of the war‐torn country. The negotiators had fled Skopje, the country's starved, gray capital, because the pressures from the spreading war between ethnic Albanian insurgents and the dominantly ethnic Slav security forces had made constructive political dialogue nearly impossible. Ohrid, on the other hand, was a community that embraced many of the region's historical contradictions. The town had seen Romans, Byzantines, Franks, Ottomans, Serbs, Greeks and Albanians all come and go. Saint Clement of Ohrid (d. 916) had once lived and worshipped in the city, and much of the architecture, with its winding streets and numerous churches and monasteries, still bore the marks of its medieval and diverse past. All parties arrived in this contemplative setting under intense diplomatic pressure from the European Union (EU), the United States (US), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to find a constitutional and political solution to the crisis, and find one soon. As all parties sat down to thrash out a compromise, a senior EU mediator was heard to remark: ‘This country doesn't need mediators, it needs a psychoanalyst.” 相似文献