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排序方式: 共有101条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
81.
STEVEN F. MESSNER SANDRO GALEA KENNETH J. TARDIFF MELISSA TRACY ANGELA BUCCIARELLI TINKA MARKHAM PIPER VICTORIA FRYE DAVID VLAHOV 《犯罪学》2007,45(2):385-414
This research reassesses the role of policing and drugs in the sharp homicide decline in New York City in the 1990s. Drawing on theoretical arguments about “broken windows” policing and lethal violence associated with the diffusion of crack cocaine, we estimate the effects of measures of misdemeanor arrests and cocaine prevalence on homicide rates with pooled, cross‐sectional time‐series data for 74 New York City precincts over the 1990–1999 period. The results of mixed regression models reveal a significant negative effect of changes in misdemeanor arrests and a significant positive effect of changes in cocaine prevalence on changes in total homicide rates. Additional analyses of homicide disaggregated by weapon indicate that the effects of misdemeanor arrests and cocaine prevalence emerge for gun‐related but not for non‐gun‐related homicides. Overall, the research generally supports influential interpretations of the homicide decline in New York City but also raises questions about underlying mechanisms that warrant more inquiry in future research. 相似文献
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This research examines the extent to which public pension programs allocate assets in a manner that is consistent with an optimal portfolio, as defined by Modern Portfolio Theory (MPT). The examination is pursued by way of a statistical analysis, using a portfolio optimization model and data on some of the nation's largest public DB plans. The analysis illustrates that the majority of the plans in the sample are incurring far more risk in their portfolios than is optimal given their target rates of return and that this risk level is a result of nonprudent allocation across asset classes. The findings suggest that there might be opportunities to improve the long‐term performance of defined benefit plans by adjusting asset allocation targets and legal lists in a manner that is more consistent with MPT. 相似文献
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R. LANCE SHOTLAND SCOTT C. HAYWARD CARLOTTA YOUNG MARGARET L. SIGNORELLA KENNETH MINDINGALL JOHN K. KENNEDY MICHAEL J. ROVINE ED WARD F. DANOWITZ 《犯罪学》1979,17(1):34-45
Three variables were hypothesized to cause a fear of crime and a potential change in behavior. These were: (1) crimes against a person rather than crimes against property; (2) a crime committed in an area frequented rather than a crime occurring in an area one never entered; (3) a recurring crime rather than a crime that occurred once. Two different samples of female subjects (n = 249) were approached at their residences and were asked to read one of a number of fictitious crime stories that the news media supposedly had not reported and to complete two scales measuring: (1) an emotional response to crime and (2) a potential behavioral response to crime. The results indicate that a physical assault produces both more fear and more potential behavioral change than a burglary. A crime that occurs eight times causes people to consider taking precautions in comparison to a crime that occurs once. There is some evidence that a crime in an area one frequents causes more fear than a crime occurring in an area one never enters. 相似文献
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Depression is a widely noted reaction among persons confronted with dramatic life changes. Those released from total institutions (mental patients, prisoners of war, hostages, ex-convicts) are especially susceptible to these symptoms. A model, based on extensive field experience and a broad review of literature, is first presented. Data from a cohort of persons released from prison, gathered at three points in time during the first year following release, are then discussed. The results suggest: (1) support for Irwin's model of "reentry," (2) that depression may accompany positive as well as negative life events, and (3) the importance of "bridging networks" in modifying the intensity of depressive symptoms. 相似文献
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America is thought to be an exceptional political system, and, in many of its particulars, it certainly differs from the institutional arrangements found in most of the world's democracies. Its separation-of-powers regime is thought to have spawned, in recent decades, the phenomenon of divided government in which partisan control of political institutions is divided between the major parties. By implication, it is suggested that this robust regularity in which Democrats control the legislature and Republicans the executive is a consequence of its institutional arrangements and, therefore, distinguishes America from its parliamentary counterparts elsewhere. In this article, the authors suggest that parliamentary regimes, too, experience divided government. Specifically, minority governments, in which the executive is controlled by parties that, between them, control less than a legislative majority, is the closest analogue to divided government in America. In each case, the executive needs to seek support in the legislature beyond its own partisan base. Thus, divided government per se does not distinguish parliamentary and separation-of-powers regimes. What does, however, are the constitutional roots of this phenomenon: divided governments are negotiated in parliamentary regimes whereas they are mandated electorally in separation-of-powers regimes. 相似文献
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