A novel method for ABO genotyping using a DNA chip

ABO genotyping is often performed to identify the blood type of decomposed samples, which is difficult to be determined by a serological test. In this study, we developed a simple method for ABO genotyping using a DNA chip. In this method, polymerase chain reaction-amplified and fluorescent-labeled fragments in the ABO gene and primate-specific D17Z1 were hybridized with DNA probes on a chip designed to detect single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in the ABO gene and part of the D17Z1 sequence. Using blood samples from 42 volunteers and 10 animal species, we investigated whether the chip could be used to detect SNPs in the ABO gene and the D17Z1 sequence. This method was then applied to various forensic samples, and it was confirmed that this method was suitable for the simultaneous analyses of ABO genotyping and species identification. This method fulfills the recent need for the development of rapid and convenient methods for criminal investigations.     

A simple method of DNA extraction and STR typing from urine samples using a commercially available DNA/RNA extraction kit

We devised a simple DNA extraction procedure suitable for STR typing of urine sample. Use of a commercially available DNA/RNA extraction kit equipped with a silica-gel-based membrane made it possible to omit the recovery of urinary nucleated cells by sedimentation before the extraction. Successful genotyping of the TH01, HumTPO and multiplex STRs was achieved using aliquots of urine as small as 100 microL. Furthermore, application of this DNA extraction procedure to frozen urine samples provided STR allele results comparable to results obtained from fresh samples. Therefore, this extraction procedure is considered to be effective for STR typing of urine samples in both the frozen and aqueous state. Furthermore, addition of sodium azide to fresh urine samples prolonged their storage duration even at room temperature.     

The determination by gas chromatography with atomic emission detection of total sulfur in fuels used as forensic evidence

In Japan, taxed diesel fuel from non-taxed fuel oil-A is illegally produced by removing coumarin, which is added as a non-taxed marker. The coumarin is removed using concentrated sulfuric acid and this produces a high viscosity and hazardous material, called "sulfuric acid pitch", as a by-product. This compound has a detrimental effect on the environment and is hazardous to humans. The actions have been associated with organized crime with the illegally gained taxes becoming financial bases. To discriminate legal and diesel oil from illegal product, the peak area ratio R(SC), the ratio of total sulfur to carbon (>C(14)), was used. R(SC) is calculated by the total areas of sulfur and carbon (>C(14)) from the gas chromatogram obtained by gas chromatography-atomic emission detection (GC-AED). Sulfur in legal diesel fuels is strictly regulated by a maximum limit, which was 50ppm (and is now 10ppm), but in the preparation of illegal diesel oil, in which coumarin is eliminated, sulfur cannot be removed. Therefore, the R(SC) of fuel oil-A and illegal fuel oil is over 15, whereas those for legal fuel oil and diesel fuel are under 2.0. Furthermore, these ratios do not change in weathering experiments. GC-AED was applied to an actual arson case and was found to be effective for the determination of total sulfur in trace amounts of accelerants detected in fire debris at the arson scene, and hence was effective for the characterization of the ignitable liquids used.     

Perils of parliamentarism? Political systems and the stability of democracy revisited

Parliamentary systems are generally regarded as superior to presidential ones in democratic sustenance. This article contributes to the debate on the relationship between systems of government and the survival of democracy by bringing in a new perspective and analysing the experiences of 131 democracies during 1960–2006. We argue that systems of government do matter, but their effects are indirect; they exert their influence through societies' prior democratic records. Confirming the conventional argument, our data analysis shows that uninterrupted parliamentary democracies face significantly lower risks of a first breakdown than their presidential counterparts. Contrary to the common understanding, however, we find that the risk of a democratic breakdown can be higher for parliamentary regimes than for presidential regimes among the countries whose democracy has collapsed in the past. Furthermore, the risk of a previously failed democracy falling again grows as (the risk of) government crises increase(s). Hence our study questions the common belief that parliamentary systems are categorically more conducive to democratic stability than presidential ones.