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11.
abstract This paper, starting from a critique of the modern educational system and a brief discussion of the concepts of hierarchy and authority in education, offers a critical examination of a number of libertarian approaches to education. These libertarian approaches to education are examined within the framework of a conception of Democratic paideia, which is in its turn hastily presented in the concluding section. The power of instruction is seldom of much efficacy except in those happy dispositions where it is almost superfluous. Gibbon  相似文献   
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The paper inquires critically into Podemos as an instance of left-wing populism in contemporary European politics, putting forward four claims and a major thesis. First, Podemos was started as an original endeavour to ally in a hybrid mix two divergent approaches to democratic politics: the horizontal, open and networked mobilizations of the multitude, and the vertical, hierarchical, formal and representative structures of party formations, on the other. Such an amalgam might serve to combine the virtues of different models of democracy. Second, Podemos’ populism exemplifies a creative version of a ‘politics of the common’, but the terms of the ‘common sense’ are inflected in the direction of social rights, inclusion and egalitarian democracy. Third, Podemos illustrates a unique ‘reflexivity’ in the pursuit of populism. The party leadership has taken its cues from E. Laclau’s hegemonic theory of populism and implements it in its political strategy. Fourth, since the autumn of 2014, Podemos has arguably seen the gradual preponderance of a vertical, ‘hegemonic’ logic, reflecting a particular reading of populist theory which is prevalent among the party’s leadership. The broader thesis is that a dualist politics, which welds together horizontalism and verticalism in a conflictual bind, is a prima facie plausible strategy for renewing democracy in the present critical context. But a political organization like Podemos will be able to redeem its democratic promises as long as it maintains a constructive balance between these two political logics, avoiding the reassertion of centralized leadership and the suppression of pluralism which are typical of the populist tradition.  相似文献   
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The aim of this article is to describe the social, relational and mental health characteristics of a sample of offenders serving prison or community sentences in the south-west England. About 100 adult male offenders were screened for anxiety and depressive disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), drug and alcohol dependence, and likely personality disorder using validated instruments. Fifty-eight per cent of the sample reported at least one common mental health problem, of these only 26% reported receiving treatment. Participants exposed to traumatic events and/or participants with past mental health problems were more likely to score positive for current common mental health problems. Our study identified factors that may increase the risk of a first episode or recurrent anxiety and/or depression for offenders. Health and criminal justice services should create partnerships and develop interventions that address the risk factors which lead and/or contribute to offenders' mental health difficulties.  相似文献   
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This paper examines the concepts of individual and social autonomy in Castoriadis' writings and then moves on to discuss the 'dichotomy' between his early and later works in relation to Castoriadis' major work The Imaginary Institution of Society , which is discussed in some depth. This discussion is focused as much as possible on the political content of Castoriadis' thinking, with more weight being given to the philosophical concepts Castoriadis himself introduced. Finally, the way in which Castoriadis' philosophical work has been received is examined with reference to both the distorting way in which post-modernists treat his writings, but also the significance his work may have for a new liberatory project (like the Inclusive Democracy project).  相似文献   
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This article focuses on the amateur theatre of the People's House and the consumption of state-promoted mixed-gender activities in the 1930s and 1940s in Turkey. The People's Houses were community centres established in many Turkish towns between 1932 and 1950. They performed activities in adult education and political indoctrination with the chief aim to propagate the socio-cultural changes the state had been initiating since 1923. Drawing on complaint letters and investigative reports, this article focuses on the presence and activities of women in the People's Houses; reviews the tension produced upon the introduction of mixed-gender entertainment and social interaction like theatre within largely sex-segregated local societies; studies the practices performed by men and women and the discourses they articulated in response to and in an attempt to manage such moments of tension; and considers their significance as practices contributing to the negotiation and shaping of social identities.  相似文献   
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The article explores the “fear of Islam” through a specific series of political debates about Islam and the future of the Greek-Orthodox national identity. The analysis is based on the method of qualitative content analysis, which makes use of thematic categories and draws on the proceedings of the Greek parliament. The main questions the article will try to address are: How have Greek political parties reacted to public demand for the construction of a mosque? What have been the rhetorical tropes they use? How have they capitalized on current and old fears about Islam? What have been the implications of this discourse on state policies toward Islam? Have there been any differences in this discourse over time? The analysis highlights the role of historical interpretations of Greek national identity and contemporary problems related to new waves of migration due to Greece’s place on the border with Turkey and with the broader Islamic world.  相似文献   
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