首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   193篇
  免费   9篇
各国政治   26篇
工人农民   4篇
世界政治   14篇
外交国际关系   10篇
法律   99篇
政治理论   49篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   9篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   7篇
  2016年   4篇
  2015年   5篇
  2014年   3篇
  2013年   27篇
  2012年   5篇
  2011年   5篇
  2010年   3篇
  2009年   5篇
  2008年   15篇
  2007年   11篇
  2006年   9篇
  2005年   5篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   8篇
  2002年   6篇
  2001年   8篇
  2000年   4篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   4篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   3篇
  1992年   1篇
  1991年   1篇
  1989年   1篇
  1987年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   2篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   2篇
  1980年   4篇
  1979年   2篇
  1978年   2篇
  1977年   3篇
  1976年   2篇
  1967年   1篇
排序方式: 共有202条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
51.
Low-cost decisions as a challenge to public choice   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
  相似文献   
52.
53.
54.
According to some political commentators Gerhard Schröder's decision in May 2005 to use a ‘false’ vote of confidence in order to have the Bundestag dissolved was nothing less than a coup d'état. From this vantage point an incumbent chancellor had put party interests above crucial aspects of the Basic Law. The debate ensuing Schröder's decision is, thus, to be understood as a variation of a controversy about the legitimate power of parties in the political system, i.e. about the essence of the parliamentary form of government in Germany. In order to bring these issues to the fore the article first describes the chronology of events triggered by Gerhard Schröder's (and Franz Müntefering's) announcements on 22 May 2005. It then examines the five motions for a vote of confidence that have been brought to the floor of the Bundestag since 1949. Finally, it discusses the question of whether the Bundestag should receive the constitutional right to dissolve itself. Overall the analysis supports the view that the vote of confidence has been totally subsumed under the logic of parliamentary government in Germany.  相似文献   
55.
56.
57.
58.
For forensic toxicological investigations only whole blood, but no serum is often available. Pharmacokinetic data are helpful for interpreting the results, but most of these studies indicate serum or plasma concentrations. In order to obtain reliable conversion factors which also take intersubject variability into account, the blood/serum ratios (B/S) of oxycodone, morphine, fentanyl, hydromorphone, zopiclone, MDMA, dexamphetamine, alprazolam, risperidone and 9-hydroxyrisperidone were determined by LC-MS/MS using authentic samples. Blood and corresponding serum samples were obtained from driving studies performed with controlled or known dosages of the above drugs. The analytes were analysed in blood and serum and the following mean B/S ratios (relative standard deviations) were determined: oxycodone 1.48 (8.19 %); morphine 1.03 (3.59 %); fentanyl 0.87 (13.9 %); hydromorphone 1.04 (8.11 %); zopiclone 0.89 (16.1 %); MDMA 1.19 (8.04 %); dexamphetamine 0.89 (10.9 %); alprazolam 0.81 (5.84 %); risperidone 0.65 (7.52 %); 9-hydroxyrisperidone 0.73 (12.3 %). These mean values are largely in line with those reported in the literature. The B/S ratios did not appear to depend on partition coefficients, whereas there was strong evidence that B/S ratios decreased with increasing plasma protein binding.  相似文献   
59.
Abstract:  Especially since the failure of the European Constitutional Treaty, the idea of a European constitutional patriotism has become subject to ever more intense criticism. This article argues that many of the criticisms of the idea of a European constitutional patriotism have been based on philosophical misunderstandings (both of the notion of constitutional patriotism as such, and of the role it could play in Europe) or rely on implausible empirical claims. Accordingly, the normative idea of constitutional patriotism is first clarified; second, the article discusses some of the most common normative and empirical traps when trying to 'transfer' constitutional patriotism from a domestic nation-state context to the supranational level, as well as the tendency to overburden constitutional patriotism with expectations of solidarity and deliberative democracy; third, an EU-specific post-sovereign, pluralist version of constitutional patriotism is defended against critics who see even such a vision as insufficiently sensitive to value pluralism and cultural diversity.  相似文献   
60.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号