A biomechanical analysis of the causes of traumatic brain injury in infants and children

There is significant disagreement among medical professionals regarding the mechanisms for infant brain injury. This disagreement is due in part to the failure by some to acknowledge and incorporate known biomechanical data and models into hypotheses regarding causes. A proper biomechanical understanding of the mechanisms of traumatic brain injury (TBI) challenges many published and testified assumptions regarding TBI in infants and children. This paper analyzes the biomechanical relationship between the causes of TBI in infants and children, and their physiological consequences. Loading characteristics, injury parameters and criteria, scaling, failure characteristics, differences between infants and adults, and impact due to falls are described and discussed in the context of the laws of mechanics. Recent studies are critiqued with reference to their contribution to an understanding of brain injury mechanisms. Finally, methods for improving our currently incomplete knowledge of infant head injuries, and their mechanisms, consequences and tolerances are proposed. There is an urgent need for close collaboration between physicians and biomechanicians to objectively and scientifically evaluate infant head injuries to further define their mechanical bases, and to assist in their diagnosis and treatment.     

The Transfer of Power Hypothesis and the German Lander: In Need of Modification

Conventional wisdom ascribes to Land parliaments at best a supportingrole in German politics and a minor influence on public decisionmaking. Land parliaments are often dismissed as having few substantiallegislative or other functions. However, a closer analysis revealsa more complex picture. Even though the legislative functionof Land parliaments is limited, these regional bodies of representationare indispensable institutions for the German federal system.This article analyzes the legislative role, the elective function,and the participation of Land parliaments in coalition buildingas well as developments in the Land party systems. It is shownthat in these areas the Land level is more important than iscommonly thought. Recent changes indicate that Land parliamentsmay play an even more pronounced role in the future. The prevailingtheoretical approach that sees federalism dominating Germanconsensus democracy thus seems too general.     

The Authority–Identity Relation: Symbolic References and Interpretative Authority in Postwar Kosovo

In postwar Kosovo, international and Kosovar political actors claiming authority in the democratization and statebuilding process lacked a long-standing ‘authoritative relation’ with each other and the citizenry. To analyse the structural conditions for the emergence of political authority, the article suggests applying the analytical framework of ‘interpretative authority’, which captures the relational character and simultaneity of authority generation by international and Kosovar actors. Given that Kosovo had unsecured symbolic conditions for authority – no commonly shared symbols of unity for all communities and no commonly agreed interpreter of symbols of unity – political actors were competing intensely for the identity and symbolizations of the ‘new’ Kosovo in their attempts to gain authority in various institutional opportunity structures. The competition over authority and the attempts to denationalize public communications made by the international administration, the United Nations Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), led to the reimbursement of particularistic symbolic references of Kosovar actors, thereby keeping the unsecured symbolic conditions and the weakness of interpretative political authority in Kosovo stable.     

Bargaining and Fighting: The Impact of Regime Type on War Onset, Duration, and Outcomes

Recent research suggests that democracies have advantages and disadvantages in wars. Democracies are more likely to win the wars they initiate and the ones in which they are targeted. Wars initiated by democracies are also uniformly shorter and less costly than wars initiated by nondemocracies. However, democracies are also less likely to continue fighting and less likely to win as war drags on. Democracies are also particularly likely to be targeted. We present a bargaining model that reconciles these divergent findings. The model explains why democracies are more likely to win but are also more likely to settle and more likely to be targeted than other types of regimes. The model's explanation of these facts differs in important ways from existing explanations. The model also suggests several new hypotheses relating regime type to the terms of settlement and the onset of war .     

Canada's voluntary ARET program: Limited success despite industry cosponsorship

The Accelerated Reduction/Elimination of Toxins (ARET) Challenge was a voluntary program initiated in 1994 by the Government of Canada. Unlike the U.S. 33/50 Program, ARET involved industry partners in negotiation and cosponsorship of the program, with the intention that early involvement would yield stronger commitment to voluntary reductions. We review the program's self‐reported success in delivering emissions reductions. For 17 ARET substances that were also covered by Canada's National Pollutant Release Inventory, we employ treatment effects regressions to control for self‐selection bias. We find evidence that ARET accelerated emission reductions in five cases, slowed reductions in two cases, and had no discernible effect in ten cases. Industry cosponsorship apparently did not have the intended effect and instead resulted in program features such as data confidentiality that significantly undermined the program's credibility. © 2007 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management     

Estimating voter migration in Canada using generalized maximum entropy

As voters switch political preferences from election to election, understanding the magnitude of voter flows among parties and transitions between voters and non-voters is an essential element of political analysis. As exit polls are uncommon in Canada, voter migration can also be estimated using suitable statistical techniques. Backing out micro-level voter migration probabilities from macro-level election data is a problem of ‘ecological inference.’ This paper uses the method of generalized maximum entropy (GME) to estimate voter migration patterns for the two most recent Canadian federal elections (2004 and 2006) and two most recent provincial elections in British Columbia (2001 and 2005). The estimation results answer important questions about voter behaviour in Canada. These results will be of interest to political scientists, historians, and politicians, as well as econometric practitioners who wish to estimate voter migration.