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Abstract. This article analyzes party responses to European integration in Finland andSweden.We argue that such responses are shaped by seven explanatory factors: basic ideology, public opinion, factionalism, leadership influence, party competition, transnational links, and the development of integration. Each factor can lead to a positive or a negative evaluation of the European Union. In the empirical analysis, the sample includes all parties represented in the respective national parliaments, and the research material consists of party documents, parliamentary votes, statements by leading party figures, public opinion surveys, direct observation and interviews. Party competition and leadership influence are the strongest factors in the Finnish case, while public opinion and factionalism are the strongest factors in Sweden. Issue avoidance combined with the secondary importance of the EU in party politics explain why parties have been relatively successful in containing internal factionalism and discord, especially in Finland. 相似文献
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Karl D. Jaffary 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1972,15(3):428-440
Abstract. Society demands ever-increasing interventions by the state. At the local level the demand for increased state activity is caused by the complexity of modem society and by the increased concentrations of people being experienced, and even the most traditional areas of government service will expand. Provincial and federal governments will find their increased activity revolving around education and the manipulation of the economy. People do not want the government to do anything more, and are distrustful of government activity. They have those feelings for good cause. Some of the things government attempts to do it does incompetently (and I digress to bad-mouth Opportunities for Youth, unemployment insurance, and municipal transportation). On the other hand, some of those things that government does do well, like creating unemployment and providing public housing, it does on such a scale that people are badly hurt by the results. Society is making many rapid changes. Society does that for itself; the government does not do it. The job of government is to assess and respond to those changes. It ought not to initiate them. as it is incapable of doing so. The political process only works kvell with present public concerns. The greatest dangers to society are posed by the tendency of government to act without political control or direction. This danger is accentuated by an out-of-date political structure, placing powers and responsibilities in the hands of governments that are beyond any practical political control. There is a dilemma. People want and need more government services and do not trust government to provide them. The solution must be found in a radical restructuring of levels of government (I indulge in the pleasant fantasy of contemplating the abolition of Ottawa), and in the strengthening of communities, primarily through organizers. Sommaire. La société exige de l'état des interventions toujours plus fréquentes. Au niveau régional, le besoin d'unr participation plus importante de l'état est dûà la complexité. de la société rnoderne et à la concentration toujours plus grande de la population, de manière que même les services gouvernementaux les plus routiniers y prendront de l'expansion. Les gouvernements provinciaux et fédéral borneront généralement leurs Iiouvelles activités au domaine de l'enseignement et à la manipulation de l'économie. La population voudrait mettre fin aux ingérences dun gouvernement dont elle craint les activités, et pour causc: ! Certaines tentatives du gouvernement ont été entreprises sans compétence (je songe é l'échec du programme Jeunesse, à l'assurance chômage et aux systèmes de transport municipaux). Par ailleurs, ce que le gouvemement fait le mieux (propager le chômage et multiplier les habitations à loyer modéré) il le fait sur une telle envergure que toute la population finit par en soufh-ir. La société subit des changements nombreux et rapides, changements qu'elle accomplit elle-même, sans l'aide du gouvernement. Le rôle du gouvernement est d'évaluer ces changements et d'agir en conséquence. Ce n'est pas à lui d'en prendre l'initiative, d'autant plus qu'il en est incapable. Le processus politique ne peut s'attaquer efficacement qu'aux difficultés existantes. Les plus grands dangers qui confrontent la société proviennent de la tendance gouvernementale à agir sans contrôle ni modération. Ce danger se trouve encore aggravé par un système politique périmé qui abandonne le pouvoir et les responsabilités à des formes de gouvernements soustraits à tout contrble politique pratique. Le probléme est sérieux: la population, qui a besoin de services gouvernementaw plus étendus, ne peut se fier à lui pour les procurer. La solution ne viendra donc que d'une restructuration radicale de tous les niveaux du gouvernement (il m'arrive de rêver de l'abolition totale d'Ottawa) et d'un renforcement des pouvoirs municipaux aux mains d'organisateurs compétents. 相似文献
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Joel M. Halpern Professor Emeritus Karl Kaser University Professor Richard A. Wagner 《The History of the Family》1996,1(4):425-442
The article deals with the history, distribution and ideology of Balkan patriarchy; the Balkan agnatic kinship system; and with the most significant patriarchal family structures. The demographic analyses are based primarily on the Serbian state census of 1863 (the first available census listing women) and the Federal Yugoslav census data for 1948, 1953, and 1961, coupled with archival and field data for the central Serbian village of Oras?ac for 1818–1975. Balkan patriarchy has much in common with similar well-documented systems in Asia and the Middle East. The Balkan situation was differentiated, however, in that this system existed both within and outside formal state structures. The patriarchal ideology shaped kinship and family patterns, as well as coresidential patterns within households. These patterns reproduced patriarchal structures, but the full reproduction of the system was constrained by economic circumstances. 相似文献
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Sasha Karl Grebe 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2013,13(1):100-110
This paper draws on the unique insights offered by the documents tendered to the Royal Commission into the Australian Wheat Board (AWB Limited) to examine the process for drafting an apology within a scandalized organization suffering reputational damage. The Royal Commission received an almost complete set of documents specifying the process by which AWB prepared a public apology, as well as details of the efforts of the company to suppress those documents and the testimony of key personnel not only on the scandal itself but also on how the company responded to the crisis it had caused. The documents tendered to the Australian Government's Royal Commission included the working notes, drafting edits and expert advice from an international crisis communication consultant. AWB initially sought to try and manage the impact of the United Nations Oil‐for‐Food scandal, rather than address the causes of the transgression that would then allow the company to begin the process of restoring trust and rebuilding the damaged reputation. This disingenuous response exacerbated the problems for the company and caused additional damage to its corporate reputation. The insights from the AWB case study provide invaluable guidance for organizations on how to respond effectively to a corporate scandal. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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