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111.
Pittman Russell; Diaconu Oana; Sip Emanual; Tomova Anna; Wronka Jerzy 《Journal of Competition Law and Economics》2007,3(4):673-687
The railways of Russia and the Central and Eastern Europeancountries are in the process of restructuring. In most cases,the "vertical separation" reform model is being pursued, andreformers are seeking to introduce competition among freighttrain operators through the provision of "open access" to themonopoly infrastructure. This paper shows that, in two countries,Poland and Romania, a good deal of competition has been createdby the entry of new freight operators, many of them either largeshippers integrating upstream or former freight forwarders.However, in other countries, the incumbent freight operatorsretain virtually 100 percent of the market. In particular, Russiahas taken only the very first steps toward creating competitionin this sector, and new freight train operators face significantbarriers to competing with the incumbent. 相似文献
112.
Ushtana Antia M.Sc. Malcolm D. Tingle Ph.D. Bruce R. Russell Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2010,55(5):1311-1318
Abstract: An LC–MS method was developed for benzylpiperazine (BZP) and trifluoromethylphenylpiperazine (TFMPP), constituents of “party pills” or “legal herbal highs,” and their metabolites in human blood plasma. Compounds were resolved using a mixture of ammonium formate (pH 4.5, 0.01 M) and acetonitrile (flow rate of 1.0 mL/min) with a C18 column. Calibration curves were linear from 1 to 50 ng/mL (R2 > 0.99); the lower limit of quantification (LLOQ) was 5 ng/mL; the accuracy was >90%; the intra‐ and interday relative standard deviations (R.S.D) were <5% and <10%, respectively. Human plasma concentrations of TFMPP were measured in blood samples taken from healthy adults (n = 6) over 24 h following a 60‐mg oral dose of TFMPP: these peaked at 24.10 ng/mL (±1.8 ng/mL) (Cmax) after 90 min (Tmax). Plasma concentrations of 1‐(3‐trifluoromethyl‐4‐hydroxyphenyl) piperazine peaked at 20.2 ng/mL (±4.6 ng/mL) after 90 min. TFMPP had two disposition phases (t½ = 2.04 h (±0.19 h) and 5.95 h (±1.63 h). Apparent clearance (Cl/F) was 384 L/h (±45 L/h). 相似文献
113.
From criminal complaint records all incidents of sexual misbehaviour resulting in charges in three North East Scotland courts during 1981 and 1982 were traced. Of the 80 alleged offenders, 75 were followed up for 10 years using current criminal records. Offending behaviour ranged from obscene telephone calls to rape. Half the offenders made no physical contact with their victims. These “hands-off” offenders were compared with “hands-on” offenders and were found to show a higher prevalence of sexual convictions both before the index offence and in the follow-up period. Those offenders who removed their victims clothes or had sexual intercourse with their victims were found to have the lowest prevalence of sexual reoffending. Degree of intrusiveness was inversely related to sexual recidivism in this sample and there was no evidence of progression over time to more intrusive offending. 相似文献
114.
115.
Russell Deacon 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(3):104-112
Although those within Welsh local government circles were aware that the Welsh Office was considering restructuring local government as early as December 1990, the first the general population knew of the proposed changes was in June 1991. It was in that month that the Welsh Secretary produced a consultation paper entitled The Structure of Local Government in Wales. 1 This advocated the introduction of unitary authorities throughout Wales. The publication of this consultation paper was at the same time as those for Scotland2 and England.3 This gave the impression that Wales was merely following events in England and Scotland. Such an assumption remains widespread. In the first part of his article ‘Legislating for Wales ‐ Local Government (Wales) Act 1994’ Paul Griffiths indicated that the local government changes in Wales were unplanned and perhaps unintended and a reaction to changes occurring in England.4 This article aims to shed more light on the background behind Welsh local government reform. It indicates that the changes in Welsh local government were more a matter of coincidence than merely a mirror of those happening elsewhere. It also argues that the changes in Wales have their own unique Welsh origins, and that the changes may well have occurred, regardless of what happened in the rest of the United Kingdom. 相似文献
116.
Richard L. Russell 《European Security》2013,22(1):16-24
NATO remains the United States’ principal instrument for shaping the security environment in Europe. It acts as a long‐run hedge against a possible resurrected Russian threat to the continent and to dampen the prospects for the renationalization of military and security policies in Europe. The United States faces formidable challenges to ensure the viability of NATO after the Cold War. Washington must be prepared to engage in a grand balancing act on several fronts to perpetuate the Alliance. It must support NATO enlargement to move the Alliance's geopolitical center eastward, but not to territory that would practically indefensible in the event of a resurgent Russia. Out‐of‐area operations will preoccupy Alliance attention in the near‐future, but too great an appetite for undertaking peacekeeping missions might over time substantially erode the Alliance's ability to deter or withstand the political and military pressure from a resurgent Russia or major power or coalition on the outlying areas of the Eurasian landmass. 相似文献
117.
Richard Russell 《European Security》2013,22(2):241-255
118.
Nadia Abdul‐Karim M.Res. Ruth Morgan D.Phil. Russell Binions Ph.D. Tracey Temple M.Sc. Karl Harrison Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(2):365-371
Locating exactly where trace explosive residue samples should be sought during sample collection at bomb scenes is not specified in the published literature or guidelines; in this area, it is generally acknowledged that forensic practices are based on tradition rather than evidence. This study investigated patterns in the spatial distribution of postblast 1,3,5‐trinitro‐1,3,5‐triazocyclohexane residue from a series of unconfined detonations, over a range of sampling sites, and at two different detonation heights. The amount of residue recovered from the sites decreased as a function of distance from the center of the explosion. [Correction added after online publication 27 December 2012: In the preceding sentence, “increased” was corrected to “decreased” to agree with the conclusion of the article.] As the height of the detonations increased, more residues were found from all sampling sites. The findings of this empirical study have a number of important practical implications including determining where residue samples are best sought at crime scenes. 相似文献
119.
Alicia Summers Stephanie O. Macgill Sophia I. Gatowski Jesse R. Russell Steve Wood 《Juvenile & family court journal》2013,64(2):35-47
This article describes a new method for calculating judicial workload in dependency or child abuse and neglect cases. In contrast to traditional judicial workload methods, the method described herein produces estimates of judicial workload that take into account the complex role of the juvenile dependency court judge—a role that includes both on‐ and off‐the‐bench activities. The method provides workload estimates that give guidance to courts not only about the minimally sufficient judicial resources needed to accommodate current caseload needs, but also what level of judicial resources would be required to hold substantive dependency court hearings that comport with nationally recognized practice recommendations. The article reviews commonly used judicial workload methods, outlines the new method, and uses a pilot of the method as an example of how the method works in practice. Broader implications of this workload method are also discussed. 相似文献
120.
Katharine Dommett 《The Political quarterly》2013,84(2):218-227
At the half way point of the UK coalition government attention is turning towards the general election, with both parties beginning to contemplate their electoral strategies. This article explores the predicament faced by the Liberal Democrats who, unlike their coalition partners the Conservatives, saw a dramatic decline in support soon after entering government. By exploring a collapse in trust, an apparent identity crisis, and the party's questionable influence, this article seeks to explain the Liberal Democrats' current polling situation and highlight the serious barriers to retaining, yet alone extending their constituency of voters at the 2015 general election. 相似文献