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The German vocational training system has played a central role in sustaining the competitive strength of German manufacturing. This article provides an analysis of contemporary developments in this system to assess its likely future trajectory. I begin by underscoring the differences and similarities of the German system to alternative arrangements that have emerged in other countries. I then turn to recent trends in Germany that have caused concern among policy‐makers about the continued strength and viability of the vocational training system. I discuss reforms undertaken in the past few years that point to incremental, though possibly transformative, changes in the system designed to reduce costs and increase flexibility through renegotiations on two fronts: between general training standards and firm needs and training practices, and between the in‐plant and school‐based components of training.  相似文献   
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Abstract

When India, Pakistan and Ceylon gained home rule more than two decades ago, their leaders set forth certain goals for their futures. Among them were control of their own political and economic destinies, increased productivity and improvements in livelihood, education and health, mixed private and state-planned economies, some cooperative institutions of production and distribution, and movement toward socio-economic equality. Land reform and industrial development were central to these goals. All three nations were to be western-style party democracies with progressively broadening franchise in elections at national, provincial and local levels.  相似文献   
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Mortality of parents and other adults due to the African AIDS epidemic could reduce children's primary schooling by reducing households' ability to pay fees, raising the opportunity cost of children's time, and leaving orphaned children with guardians who care less about their education than would their parents. This study measures the impact of adult deaths and orphan status on primary school attendance and hours spent at school using a panel household survey from north-western Tanzania, an area hard-hit by the AIDS epidemic. Attendance was delayed for maternal orphans and children in poor households with a recent adult death; there was no evidence that children 7-14 dropped out of primary school due to orphan status or adult deaths. However, among children already attending, school hours were significantly lower in the months prior to an adult death in the household and seemed to recover following the death. In addition, girls sharply reduced their hours in school immediately after losing a parent. Improvements in school quality and better access to secondary education would improve outcomes for all children, including those affected by adult AIDS mortality. Beyond that, public policy needs to focus on the special schooling constraints faced by children affected by adult deaths, both in terms of increased opportunity costs of their time and the psychological impacts, with an eye to how they might be mitigated and at what cost.  相似文献   
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Book Notes     
Domestic and Foreign Finance in Modern Peru, 1850–1950. By Alfonso W. Quiroz. Oxford: Macmillan in association with St Anthony's College, 1993. Pp.xiv + 297. £45. ISBN 0 333 56565 7.

Out of the Shadows: Women, Resistance and Politics in South America. By Jo Fisher. London: Latin American Bureau, 1993. Pp.228. £17.99 and £7.99. ISBN 0 906156 78 5 and 77 7.

When the Grass is Gone: Development Intervention in African Arid Lands (Seminar Proceedings 25). Edited by P.T.W. Baxter. Uppsala: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, 1991. Pp.214. SEK 170 (hardback). ISBN 91 71 06318.  相似文献   
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This article challenges traditional interpretations of political violence in Northern Ireland. Based on a series of ethnographic studies undertaken in republican and loyalist communities in Belfast, Northern Ireland, I argue that it is the question of state legitimacy, not materialism, culture or religion, that is core to understanding the underpinnings and history of political violence in Northern Ireland. Research findings suggest that communal support for and tolerance of paramilitary groups and their tactics are underpinned by security‐related concerns and a crisis of legitimacy which renders the state unable to claim a monopoly on the use of force. In contradistinction to counter‐insurgency theorists, I argue that the basis for paramilitarism is not created by fear of reprisal or intimidation. Rather, intra‐communal fears of identity loss and threats (both perceived and real) from the outgroup have created a space for republicanism and loyalism in both its political and paramilitary forms.  相似文献   
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